thesis statement about dysfunctional family

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Home > Books > Parenting in Modern Societies

The Impact of Dysfunctional Families on the Mental Health of Children

Submitted: 24 January 2023 Reviewed: 15 February 2023 Published: 21 June 2023

DOI: 10.5772/intechopen.110565

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A healthy and nurturing family environment is necessary for the development of mental health in children. A positive atmosphere within the family, such as open communication, strong interpersonal relationships between parents and children, harmony and cohesion, contributes to a conducive and a safe space for children to develop healthy habits. Children who grow up in dysfunctional families are at risk of developing mental illness, which, if not treated, can result in long-term mental health problems such as depression and anxiety. Children who are exposed to constant conflict, aggression, abuse, neglect, domestic violence and separation because of divorce or parents who work long hours away from home are likely to present with behavioural and emotional problems. Parents, whether single, married or divorced, have got the responsibility to protect their children’s mental health.

• dysfunctional families
• mental health
• mental illness
• parent-child relationship
• parental practices

Author Information

Lucy kganyago mphaphuli *.

• The National Prosecuting Authority, Witness Protection Programme, Pretoria, South Africa

*Address all correspondence to: [email protected]

1. Introduction

Mental health of children is a global and persistent concern. It is a multifaceted problem with some of the leading courses being depression, anxiety and behavioural disorders. According to the World Health Organisation [ 1 ], one in six people are of ages 10–19, and within this age group, one in seven experience mental health challenges. Children of this age group are at a critical period of developing healthy habits that are necessary for their mental wellness. Being exposed to difficult circumstances at this tender age can compromise their ability to develop healthy mental wellness.

The first year of life is pivotal in the neurological development of children [ 2 ]. The childhood experiences during this period can have a positive or negative impact in the development of the brain. Children who are raised in nurturing environments of love, care and support can develop healthy attachments, relationships of trust, security and a good self-esteem. Infants who grow up in unconducive environments characterised by abuse and neglect tend to feel unloved, unappreciated and unwanted. Such children may avoid building intimate and social relationships later in life as they find it difficult to trust other people. They develop fear of their environment and view the world as a dangerous place [ 2 ].

Domestic violence is one of the environmental factors that may not be physically directed at children within the family but have a direct impact on them. Children who witness violence at home experience mental, emotional and social challenges that predispose them to mental illness. They are likely to be victims of child abuse and or perpetrators of violence later in their adulthood. The impact of domestic violence on children is likely to manifest in behavioural challenges, low school grades, criminal behaviour and antisocial behaviour [ 3 ]. The World Health Organisation [ 4 ] estimates that 1 billion children of ages 2–17 have experienced violence of one kind or another, most of which is perpetrated within the home environment. It is in this sense that children are often referred to as silent victims of violence and abuse.

Another environmental factor that affects not only the married couple but children as well is marital breakdown. Divorce brings a lot of devastation, grief and traumatic loss for the children of divorced parents. Logistically and practically, divorce results in single parenting. This is still the case even when in cases of shared custody. The parent who lives with the child carries more responsibility in terms of the day-to-day care and support for the child. More often, parents who bear custody of the children are overburdened financially and logistically, while the other parent might resist and contest reasonable financial contribution towards the needs of the children [ 5 ]. The stress of separation between parents can easily be transferred to children, leading to mental health challenges as parents go about creating a new life for themselves, paying less attention to the emotional needs of children. Divorce is, thus, one of the major sources of stress and anxiety in children that can result in mental illness.

Parents have got the responsibility to ensure financial security for their children such as provision of medical care, being able to cater for educational costs, housing, and day-to-day provision for the needs of the family. In most cases, this can be achieved through employment. Parental employment can have both positive and negative effects on parent-child relationships. On the one hand, employment can provide financial stability and a sense of accomplishment that can have a positive impact on the well-being of the family. On the other hand, employment can create stress and time pressures for parents, leading to a strain on parent-child relationships. Parents are likely to bring home the stress of work, which may destabilise the homely environment and further transfer stressful vibes to children.

Growing up in a dysfunctional family has harmful effects that extend to adulthood in children. Children have got no control of the unconducive living conditions created by their parents, caregivers and guardians. Often parents who engage in toxic relationships of violence and abuse are less considerate of the impact of their behaviour on children. They are not aware of the extent of the impact of their actions on children because their aggression is not directed at children, and therefore, they do not think that they are causing emotional harm to children. This unfortunately could not be far from the truth. Negative parenting patterns, such as emotional abuse and neglect, punishment and rejection, create trauma that can result in mental health issue for children.

Some parents come from toxic families themselves where they were exposed to violence, aggression, abuse, neglect, rejection and other negative parenting as children. It becomes difficult for such parents to divorce themselves from their childhood experiences and learn new and positive ways of parenting their own children. Many families are reluctant to accept that they fall in the category of dysfunctional families and thus resist or delay to seek help [ 6 ]. Parents are convinced that they are doing well because they are able to provide financially for their children, by so doing, overlooking the negative effects of the toxic environment in which they are raising children. This circle, if not broken, can be transferred from generation to generation, hurting children up to the edge of mental illness and creating dysfunctional families and communities.

The aim of this chapter is, therefore, to provide information about the relationship between parenting, family dynamics and mental health of children targeting children, parents, families, caregivers and officials who are responsible for proving services to children and families such as social workers, psychologists, and teachers.

2. The impact of growing up in a dysfunctional family

Dysfunctional families have become a huge problem in modern society. While there are no perfect families and people do not choose which family to belong to, the level of dysfunction and lack of coherence in some families are a course for concern. Dysfunctional families are characterised by multiple conflicts, tense relationships, chaos, neglect, abuse, poor communication, lack of empathy and secrecy to an extent that the emotional and physical needs of the family members are not met, especially children. Conflicts are often between parents, parent-child conflict or sibling rivalries. Life in a dysfunctional family is a turbulence of uncertainty and instability as well as an unsafe space for family members. Instead of expressing their concerns and resolving issues in a positive manner, members in some dysfunctional families normalise their situation and get accustomed to condoning unacceptable behaviour such as abuse, victimisation and conflict, and they sweep issue under the carpet. Conflict is an inevitable part of human relationships; however, dysfunctional families model negative ways of managing conflict to children with the biggest problem being lack of effective communication. In dysfunctional families, communication is replaced with shouting, screaming, arguing and silence.

Healthy functioning families, on the other hand, exhibit harmony, love, care and support for each other; the home is the safest environment where they are able to express themselves, and members have a sense of emotional, mental and physical wellness. In healthy functioning families, conflict, disagreements and differences are resolved in a healthy manner that is beneficial to all concerned.

The negative dynamics that are found in dysfunctional families have adverse effects on the growing personality of children and creates a negative viewpoint on life in general; it inflicts pain and leave emotional wounds that are not reversible. This is because the family has got influence on the development of the child and provides a foundation for the growth of the child such as one’s identity, values, norms and morals that are acceptable in society by proving the child with a safe space, love, affection as well as instilling social awareness and confidence [ 7 ]. This means the family can influence the growth and development of the child in a positive or negative way depending on the lifestyle, parenting, and the level of functionality of that family. Children are likely to carry what they have observed and learned during their childhood into adulthood.

In dysfunctional families, mostly both or one parent exhibits unharmonious, parenting style and behaves in an unpredictable manner resulting in the home environment being unstable [ 8 ]. Children as a result are forever on guard because they never know what to expect and when conflict is going to take place. Some parents are emotionally distant towards children, making it hard to create normal family bonds. The impact on children is low self-esteem and the inability to express their feelings in a healthy way and ultimately childhood trauma. Children as a result experience repeated trauma and pain from their parents’ actions, words and attitudes, while parents are generally in denial that they lead a dysfunctional family [ 4 ]. Children grow up with multiple traumas that leave them with permanent emotional and mental scars, sadness and distress. Trauma if not treated may lead to physical and psychological illness [ 9 ].

Children from dysfunctional families may experience stigma by their peers for the situation at home. This increases the risk of becoming withdrawn and isolated within the family and around their friends. Growing up in a dysfunctional family indeed exposes children to emotional trauma that can lead to mental illness.

3. Mental illness of children

Child mental health is the ability to grow psychologically, socially, intellectually and spiritually, reaching emotional and developmental milestones without a struggle [ 10 ]. Children with mental health challenges are at risk of experiencing a delay in age-appropriate development that can affect their normal functioning and the quality of life. Mental health in children is important for their present and future quality of life because childhood experiences have a profound effect on adulthood.

Mental illness in children can be caused by a variety of issues such as stresses relating to domestic violence, being bullied, losing a loved one to death, separation from friends because of moving homes or schools. It can also be caused by separation from parents because of divorce or parents who work long hours away from home as well as child abuse and suffering from a long illness. Mental illness can also be hereditary meaning there is a likelihood that parents can pass the illness to their children. Some of the symptoms in children are, but not limited to, persistent unhappiness and sadness, emotional outbursts and extreme mood swings, difficulties in academic achievement, loss of appetite or overeating, difficulty falling asleep and fear and sudden loss of interest in previously loved activities such as sport [ 11 ].

People exist within the family environment from childhood to adulthood meaning the family plays an essential role in the physical and mental well-being of its members especially during the formative development of children. Children need care that promotes resilience, ability to thrive, modelling appropriate behaviour and coping resources. It is, however, difficult to achieve this when children experience inadequate parental care [ 12 ]. Parents can minimise the risk of child mental illness by improving the conditions of living at home, the environment in which the child functions and general childhood relationships and experiences.

The family, specifically parents, have got the responsibility to raise their children in the manner that encourages positive emotional health and overall mental health and minimises the risk and exposure to anxiety, depression, fear and helplessness both at home and outside the home environment by providing love and positive affirmations. While some families try to raise children by ensuring healthy development towards a bright future, some instill and model unhealthy and unhelpful practices that will negatively impact the child’s life permanently; an example of this is the high percentage of children who are born with foetal alcohol spectrum disorder (FASD). FASD happens when a pregnant woman consumes alcohol, and the baby is exposed to the harsh impact of alcohol before birth. This condition manifests itself in physical learning and behavioural challenges later when the child is born. According to Tomlinson et al. [ 13 ], South Africa has got the highest rate of FASD in the world. Children with FASD are at risk of developing mental illness. FASD unfortunately creates a circle that requires resilience and courage to break.

Modelling negative behaviour to children results in children adopting unhealthy life habits. This can be seen in the prevalence of the adolescent who experience with alcohol in South Africa’s province of Western Cape [ 13 ]. Such children are affected by the behaviour of their parents, the same parents who are supposed to protect them. This is an indication of unstable and unhealthy parenting practices that may ultimately lead to mental health problems in children.

Mentally healthy children, on the other hand, have a positive outlook on life, and they can function optimally emotionally, socially and academically.

4. The impact of divorce on children

Divorce is prevalent in today society across the world. According to the United Nations Organisation [ 14 ], 4.08 per 1000 married persons end in divorce worldwide. In 2020, for example, Maldives recorded the highest divorce rate in the world with 2984 divorces out of a population of 540,544, which translates to 5.52 divorce rate per 1000 married persons. In South Africa alone, 23,710 divorces out of the 129,597 marriages were recorded in 2019, according to Statistics South Africa [ 15 ]. Divorce, like other environmental factors that affect families, has a dire effect on children, and it undermines the parent-child relationship because of the decline in the quality of relationships, especially with the parent who does not bear custody. Children from divorced families often experience a range of emotions and challenges, including feelings of loss, confusion and insecurity. They lose the family structure that they are accustomed to, and they have to adjust to living in two separate homes and spending time away from one parent at a time.

Divorce creates emotional distance between the child and the parent who does not live with the child on a full-time basis especially in instances where divorce is preceded by conflict, tension and domestic violence between parents [ 16 ]. Protracted divorce processes that are characterised by conflict also create emotional distance between children and parents. According to Fagan and Churchill [ 17 ] domestic violence weakens and undermines the parent-child relationship. Children of divorced parents may also feel caught in between because of feelings of conflicting loyalty as though they have to choose between their parents. The distance between parents and children causes emotional strain and irreversible harm, which, if not treated, can result in long-term mental health problems. Children of divorced parents are likely to present with weakened health, psychological trauma and behavioural problems because of insufficient emotional support, affection, care and love from both parents. Children as a result struggle to trust and rely on their parents as they develop a sense of fear for the environment around them. Lack of trust hampers family relations.

On the other hand, parents who bear custody of children are faced with difficulties relating to raising children on their own. Juggling work and single parenting may result in lack of sufficient supervision of children. Single parenting because of divorce makes stress inherent as the parent tries to raise children alone. It reduces household income and makes it difficult for the one parent to maintain the standard of living that the children are accustomed to as well as ensuring the maintenance of the home. These challenges can translate into exposure to risk behaviour for children such as embarking on the use of drugs, criminal behaviour and ultimately falling behind academically. Children in broken families may not receive enough encouragement, support and stimulation, and this can affect their ability to focus on school. Active parental involvement of both parents in the child’s life is important to prevent the overload on one parent. Wajim and Shimfe [ 18 ] opined that children from divorced families have an increased likelihood of presenting with anti-social behaviour because of the lack of presence of both parents to bring the child up in the norms and values of society, a task that is the responsibility of both parents, playing complimentary roles in their children’s lives. Behere et al. [ 19 ] elucidate that divorce is a risk factor for mental health problems especially for children.

Divorce paves a way for negative perceptions against marriage and stable relationships. According to Fagan and Churchill [ 17 ], boy children from divorced families, for example, are likely to engage in countless and short-term sexual relationships with multiple partners, and they also have a high turnover of failed intimate relationships compared to adults who were raised in intact families. Fagan and Churchill further revealed that children who experience strained relations between parents prefer to leave home earlier to get married, cohabit or live on their own because of the lack of peace and harmony in their homes, instead of continuing to witness the commotion between their parents.

5. The impact of domestic violence on children

Domestic violence is recognised globally as a public health problem and a violation of human rights by organisations such as the United Nations [ 20 ] and the World Health Organisation [ 21 ] as well as national and international studies such as [ 22 , 23 , 24 , 25 , 26 ]. It is a destructive act of violence and aggression that causes harm physically and mentally as well as neglect and isolation to the family members who are victims. The intention of violence in the family is mostly to wound, intimidate, manipulate, humiliate and gain power over the victim. It affects people globally across the spectrum of race and class, and it is rooted in gender inequality [ 27 , 28 ]. While violence in the family affect both men and women, its prevalence is higher in violence against women and children, perpetrated within the family or by intimate partners [ 29 ]. According to the World Health Organisation [ 30 ], exposure to domestic violence, especially intimate partner violence, increases the risk of mental health problems.

Despite a change in the trend in some countries, violence in the family is often still concealed and not reported because it is regarded as a private matter that does not require external intervention [ 31 ]. This assumption that family violence is a private matter normalises violence behind closed doors, leading to many families suffering in silence. Children who are raised in homes with family violence may not report it as they see it as a norm, meaning they may not receive help for the emotional trauma suffered. Children who are exposed to violence and aggression of one form or another may suffer psychologically and emotionally with the likelihood of using violence to resolve conflict with their peers and siblings. This is because of the lack of role models on positive conflict management. As teenagers, they may be victimised and stigmatised if they press criminal charges against their own family members; as a result, they continue to suffer in silence. This may lead to the use of unhealthy methods of coping such as self-harm, substances abuse and suicide. In adulthood, they are inclined to argue with their peers, shouting and using physical violence instead of communicating effectively, and they may exhibit signs of anxiety and depression [ 32 ].

Domestic violence is detrimental to the children’s mental health as it introduces a stressful home environment with a sense of fear, anger, anxiety, nervousness and depression. The home is supposed to be the safest place for children; however, when violence takes place, children find themselves lost emotionally because they no longer regard their homes as safe environments. Often violence in the family is directed at adults such as wives and girlfriends; however, the emotional impact goes to children who are helpless. Perpetrators of domestic violence fail to appreciate the impact of their actions on children as they believe that they are physically doing nothing wrong to them. A parent cannot claim to love a child whom they continually subject to witnessing violence against the other parent, mostly mothers. When children see their mothers battered, they feel pain, anger and resentment [ 28 ]. This means when violence is perpetrated against one member of the family, the entire family system gets affected, with children being the most affected. Parents who were abused as children may not be able to pay attention to nurturing their children as they may still be battling with their own childhood issues, and this can lead to isolation and neglect of their children.

Children need stable environments with responsive parents who are nurturing and protective to grow and explore without fear of failure or harm. Domestic violence is toxic, and it slowly hurts children emotionally.

6. The impact of working parents on parent: Child relationship

Some parents are not directly involved in conflict, but they are simply too busy chasing careers, business or personal activities such as sport and personal entertainment. Working long hours, taking work home and spending a lot of time on their digital devices lead to physical and emotional absence in the home. As a result, providing inadequate parenting neglects the emotional needs of children and creates emotional distance between themselves and children. Parental employment is an essential tool to obtain economic means and fulfilment of material benefits for the family. Lack of income, on the other hand, can hamper the quality of parenting in terms of providing the day-to-day needs of the child, educational needs and provision of stimulating activities and entertainment.

By spending quality time with children, parents can provide a sense of security and stability, which is essential for their mental health, growth and development. The combination of parental employment and parent-child bond creates the foundation for a healthy functioning environment for the well-being of the child. Lau [ 33 ] emphasises that there is a need for parents to maintain a healthy family-work balance to ensure financial, material provision and quality family bonds and relationships.

Working parents might find it difficult to fulfil the parental role and participate in building family bonds. Juggling work and family responsibilities can also result in emotional distress for a parent, which can lead to parents not being able to spend quality time with children, participate in their schoolwork and provide support for their emotional growth concurrently. Lack of parental support may result in compromised parent-child relationship.

Working long hours away from home renders parents vulnerable to stress because of competing demands of work and family roles. Work overload can result in parents feeling overwhelmed, and this can lead to the deterioration in the mental health of parents. It is easy for parents to bring home stress from work that can affect the parent’s ability to provide emotional support for children; if not managed, it can undermine the atmosphere in the home and transfer to children [ 34 ]. This is because the mental health of a parent has got an impact on the mental health of children. Lengthy hours of work also mean children might have to be placed in alternative care such as aftercare programmes resulting in children spending more time with schoolteachers and aftercare staff members than with their parents. Bishnoi et al. [ 34 ] are of the view that the communication and interaction between parents and children is negatively affected when children spend more time with other people such as caregivers and relatives than with parents. On the other hand, poor-quality day-care services can expose children to physical and emotional harm. A good balance between family and work roles and responsibilities is important for the healthy functioning of the family and development of mental health in children.

7. Conclusions

This chapter provides information about the role families play in the mental health of children and the difficulties faced by children who grow up in dysfunctional families. The family provides an environment for children to grow, develop, observe and learn behavioural traits that will enable them to function in society such as norms, values, morals and socially acceptable behaviour. What children learn and experience have a potential to influence their character and mental health. Children with negative experiences such as divorce, domestic violence, parent-child separation and dysfunctional families are prone to develop mental health challenges.

Divorce exposes children to the difficulties of being raised by a single parent as well as emotional distance. Children from broken families tend to experience trust problems with the perception that marriages and relationships are not safe and intimate partners should not be trusted. Divorce separate children from parents and undermines the parent-child bond, which is important for building and sustaining relationships in the family, as well as social and intimate relationships.

Children are affected by the violence and aggression displayed in families that are riddled by domestic violence. Violence in families is often perpetuated in secret, and as a result, children suffer in silence. Witnessing violence by one parent against the other affects children emotionally and psychologically. When they grow up, such children tend to use violence to resolve conflict and use arguments instead of communication.

The inability of parents to spend quality time with children because of work-related commitments impact the parent-child relationship and cause emotional distance as well. The stress of parents from work if not managed can infiltrate the home environment and lead to tensions in the family. Parental employment is necessary to provide financially for children; however, it is necessary for parents to strike a healthy balance between the two.

The challenges discussed above renders the family system dysfunctional. Dysfunctional families are not able to effectively provide for the emotional, psychological, social and academic needs of their children. Children as such are exposed to neglect, abuse, conflicts and poor communication. This can lead to mental health, behavioural and social challenges in children.

The environment in which children grow up has got an impact on their developing mental health. Families should ensure that factors that contribute to a dysfunctional family are avoided so that children can grow up in nurturing and enabling environments for the development of a healthy mental well-being.

Conflict of interest

The author declares no conflict of interest.

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This essay about the concept of a “shameless family tree” explores how families known for their defiance of societal norms can reflect broader societal changes and values over time. It discusses the significance of individuals within these families who engaged in behaviors considered scandalous or bold by their contemporaries, such as adventurers or activists. These figures often challenged societal expectations and contributed to social and political movements. The essay also examines the subjective nature of shame and how it varies across different cultures and historical periods. Additionally, it considers the impact of legacy and how the reputations of ancestors can influence the lives and perceptions of descendants. Ultimately, the essay celebrates the indomitable spirit of those who lived unapologetically and the enduring influence of their actions on society.

How it works

In exploring the intriguing concept of a “shameless family tree,” we venture into an examination not just of genealogy but also of the audacious behaviors and bold personalities that can characterize familial lineages. This narrative delves into the rich tapestry of a family’s history, where the lack of shame—often perceived as a negative trait—may instead be viewed as a marker of resilience and individuality.

The term “shameless” typically carries a connotation of impropriety or boldness, yet when applied to the lineage of a family, it takes on a deeper significance.

It suggests a lineage marked not only by conventional achievements but also by unconventional choices and actions that defy societal norms. Families known for their “shamelessness” might be those whose members have consistently broken barriers, challenged societal expectations, or lived lives steeped in controversy and fascination.

One might consider, for example, a family where each generation has harbored artists, activists, or adventurers—individuals who, in their respective eras, pushed against the confines of societal norms. These are the families whose stories are often not whispered about but spoken aloud, with a mixture of both disdain and admiration. Their narratives are populated with actions deemed scandalous at the time—perhaps due to unconventional lifestyles, bold professional choices, or controversial contributions to social and political debates.

Take, for instance, a family tree that includes a 19th-century adventuress who traveled the world alone, a rarity and a scandal at the time; or a mid-20th-century activist who played a pivotal role in civil rights movements, challenging the status quo and altering societal structures. These figures might have been labeled “shameless” in their times for stepping outside expected roles and behaviors. Yet, with the passage of time, society often comes to view such individuals through a lens of respect and admiration for their courage and foresight.

The “shameless” label also prompts a discussion on the subjective nature of shame itself. Shame is culturally dependent—a behavior considered shameless in one culture or era might be deemed brave or revolutionary in another. Thus, the shameless family tree does not just chronicle a history of nonconformity; it also reflects the evolving morals and norms of society. It holds a mirror to the ways in which cultural perceptions of right and wrong change over time, influenced by shifts in politics, societal values, and collective consciousness.

Moreover, the study of a shameless family tree serves as a poignant reminder of the power of legacy. It shows how the deeds and reputations of ancestors can influence perceptions of their descendants, often setting expectations or casting long shadows over future generations. It raises questions about the extent to which individuals are shaped by their familial pasts and how they navigate the legacy of being part of a lineage that is marked by shamelessness.

In conclusion, examining a shameless family tree offers more than just a recounting of provocative stories from the past. It invites reflection on the nature of legacy, the shifting sands of societal judgment, and the enduring impact of those who dared to live boldly. This exploration not only enriches our understanding of human behavior and societal evolution but also celebrates the indomitable spirit of those who, by choice or by nature, lived unapologetically and without shame. Through their stories, we are prompted to reconsider our own ideas of conformity, courage, and legacy.

Remember, this essay is a starting point for inspiration and further research. For more personalized assistance and to ensure your essay meets all academic standards, consider reaching out to professionals at [EduBirdie](https://edubirdie.com/?utm_source=chatgpt&utm_medium=answer&utm_campaign=essayhelper).

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Exploring the family origins of adolescent dysfunctional separation–individuation

• Original Paper
• Published: 28 October 2019
• Volume 29 , pages 382–391, ( 2020 )

Cite this article

• Shiyuan Xiang 1 ,
• Yan Liu   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0003-3188-8287 1 ,
• Yitian Lu 1 ,
• Lu Bai 1 &
• Shenghan Xu 1  

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3 Citations

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This study aimed to explore family origins of adolescent dysfunctional separation-individuation. We tested the fit of a theoretical model in which mothers’ parenting stress and adolescents’ perceived maternal psychological control were specified as mediators between mothers’ marital satisfaction and adolescent dysfunctional separation–individuation.

Participants were 276 adolescents (aged 12–15 years old) and their mothers. Adolescents completed measures of perceived maternal psychological control and dysfunctional separation–individuation, and mothers completed measures of marital satisfaction and parenting stress.

The association between mothers’ marital satisfaction and adolescents’ dysfunctional dependence was both direct and serially mediated through mothers’ parenting stress and adolescents’ perceived maternal dependency-oriented psychological control ( β  = −0.02, p  < 0.05, 95% CI = [−0.04, −0.002]). Parenting stress was associated with dysfunctional dependence through perceived dependency-oriented psychological control ( β  = 0.06, p  < 0.05, 95% CI = [0.01, 0.10]) while being associated with dysfunctional independence through perceived achievement-oriented psychological control ( β  = 0.05, p  < 0.05, 95% CI = [0.01, 0.10]). Parenting stress also served as the mediator in the association between marital satisfaction and perceived dependency-oriented psychological control ( β  = −0.06, p  < 0.05, 95% CI = [−0.11, −0.01]), and in the association between marital satisfaction and perceived achievement-oriented psychological control ( β  = −0.06, p  < 0.05, 95% CI = [−0.11, −0.001]).

Conclusions

The current study extended past findings by identifying mothers’ marital satisfaction as a contributor to adolescent dysfunctional separation–individuation, and parenting stress and adolescents’ perceived maternal psychological control as mediating mechanisms.

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We have joined the Peer Reviewers’ Openness Initiative and made our study data open and transparent. Please see https://doi.org/10.17632/dp4gjf4rht.1 .

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Author Contributions

SXi: designed and carried out experiments, analyzed experimental results, created database, conducted data analyses, wrote the paper. YLi: collaborated with the design, writing and data analysis of the study. YLu: collaborated with the design, carried out experiments, assisted with the creation of the database. LB and SXu: assisted with literature review, carried out experiments, assisted with the creation of the database.

This work was supported by the Fundamental Research Funds for the Central Universities (2012WYB16) and the MOE Project of Key Research Institutes of Humanities and Social Science at Universities (16JJD880007).

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Shiyuan Xiang, Yan Liu, Yitian Lu, Lu Bai & Shenghan Xu

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Correspondence to Yan Liu .

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All participants were treated according to APA ethical standards, and this study was approved by the Ethics Committee of the School of Psychology, Beijing Normal University.

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Informed consent was received from every adolescent’s mother included in the study.

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Xiang, S., Liu, Y., Lu, Y. et al. Exploring the family origins of adolescent dysfunctional separation–individuation. J Child Fam Stud 29 , 382–391 (2020). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10826-019-01644-w

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Published : 28 October 2019

Issue Date : February 2020

DOI : https://doi.org/10.1007/s10826-019-01644-w

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Family Relationships and Well-Being

Patricia a thomas.

1 Department of Sociology and Center on Aging and the Life Course, Purdue University, West Lafayette, Indiana

2 Department of Sociology, Michigan State University, East Lansing

Debra Umberson

3 Department of Sociology and Population Research Center, University of Texas at Austin

Family relationships are enduring and consequential for well-being across the life course. We discuss several types of family relationships—marital, intergenerational, and sibling ties—that have an important influence on well-being. We highlight the quality of family relationships as well as diversity of family relationships in explaining their impact on well-being across the adult life course. We discuss directions for future research, such as better understanding the complexities of these relationships with greater attention to diverse family structures, unexpected benefits of relationship strain, and unique intersections of social statuses.

Translational Significance

It is important for future research and health promotion policies to take into account complexities in family relationships, paying attention to family context, diversity of family structures, relationship quality, and intersections of social statuses in an aging society to provide resources to families to reduce caregiving burdens and benefit health and well-being.

For better and for worse, family relationships play a central role in shaping an individual’s well-being across the life course ( Merz, Consedine, Schulze, & Schuengel, 2009 ). An aging population and concomitant age-related disease underlies an emergent need to better understand factors that contribute to health and well-being among the increasing numbers of older adults in the United States. Family relationships may become even more important to well-being as individuals age, needs for caregiving increase, and social ties in other domains such as the workplace become less central in their lives ( Milkie, Bierman, & Schieman, 2008 ). In this review, we consider key family relationships in adulthood—marital, parent–child, grandparent, and sibling relationships—and their impact on well-being across the adult life course.

We begin with an overview of theoretical explanations that point to the primary pathways and mechanisms through which family relationships influence well-being, and then we describe how each type of family relationship is associated with well-being, and how these patterns unfold over the adult life course. In this article, we use a broad definition of well-being, including multiple dimensions such as general happiness, life satisfaction, and good mental and physical health, to reflect the breadth of this concept’s use in the literature. We explore important directions for future research, emphasizing the need for research that takes into account the complexity of relationships, diverse family structures, and intersections of structural locations.

Pathways Linking Family Relationships to Well-Being

A life course perspective draws attention to the importance of linked lives, or interdependence within relationships, across the life course ( Elder, Johnson, & Crosnoe, 2003 ). Family members are linked in important ways through each stage of life, and these relationships are an important source of social connection and social influence for individuals throughout their lives ( Umberson, Crosnoe, & Reczek, 2010 ). Substantial evidence consistently shows that social relationships can profoundly influence well-being across the life course ( Umberson & Montez, 2010 ). Family connections can provide a greater sense of meaning and purpose as well as social and tangible resources that benefit well-being ( Hartwell & Benson, 2007 ; Kawachi & Berkman, 2001 ).

The quality of family relationships, including social support (e.g., providing love, advice, and care) and strain (e.g., arguments, being critical, making too many demands), can influence well-being through psychosocial, behavioral, and physiological pathways. Stressors and social support are core components of stress process theory ( Pearlin, 1999 ), which argues that stress can undermine mental health while social support may serve as a protective resource. Prior studies clearly show that stress undermines health and well-being ( Thoits, 2010 ), and strains in relationships with family members are an especially salient type of stress. Social support may provide a resource for coping that dulls the detrimental impact of stressors on well-being ( Thoits, 2010 ), and support may also promote well-being through increased self-esteem, which involves more positive views of oneself ( Fukukawa et al., 2000 ). Those receiving support from their family members may feel a greater sense of self-worth, and this enhanced self-esteem may be a psychological resource, encouraging optimism, positive affect, and better mental health ( Symister & Friend, 2003 ). Family members may also regulate each other’s behaviors (i.e., social control) and provide information and encouragement to behave in healthier ways and to more effectively utilize health care services ( Cohen, 2004 ; Reczek, Thomeer, Lodge, Umberson, & Underhill, 2014 ), but stress in relationships may also lead to health-compromising behaviors as coping mechanisms to deal with stress ( Ng & Jeffery, 2003 ). The stress of relationship strain can result in physiological processes that impair immune function, affect the cardiovascular system, and increase risk for depression ( Graham, Christian, & Kiecolt-Glaser, 2006 ; Kiecolt-Glaser & Newton, 2001 ), whereas positive relationships are associated with lower allostatic load (i.e., “wear and tear” on the body accumulating from stress) ( Seeman, Singer, Ryff, Love, & Levy-Storms, 2002 ). Clearly, the quality of family relationships can have considerable consequences for well-being.

Marital Relationships

A life course perspective has posited marital relationships as one of the most important relationships that define life context and in turn affect individuals’ well-being throughout adulthood ( Umberson & Montez, 2010 ). Being married, especially happily married, is associated with better mental and physical health ( Carr & Springer, 2010 ; Umberson, Williams, & Thomeer, 2013 ), and the strength of the marital effect on health is comparable to that of other traditional risk factors such as smoking and obesity ( Sbarra, 2009 ). Although some studies emphasize the possibility of selection effects, suggesting that individuals in better health are more likely to be married ( Lipowicz, 2014 ), most researchers emphasize two theoretical models to explain why marital relationships shape well-being: the marital resource model and the stress model ( Waite & Gallager, 2000 ; Williams & Umberson, 2004 ). The marital resource model suggests that marriage promotes well-being through increased access to economic, social, and health-promoting resources ( Rendall, Weden, Favreault, & Waldron, 2011 ; Umberson et al., 2013 ). The stress model suggests that negative aspects of marital relationships such as marital strain and marital dissolutions create stress and undermine well-being ( Williams & Umberson, 2004 ), whereas positive aspects of marital relationships may prompt social support, enhance self-esteem, and promote healthier behaviors in general and in coping with stress ( Reczek, Thomeer, et al., 2014 ; Symister & Friend, 2003 ; Waite & Gallager, 2000 ). Marital relationships also tend to become more salient with advancing age, as other social relationships such as those with family members, friends, and neighbors are often lost due to geographic relocation and death in the later part of the life course ( Liu & Waite, 2014 ).

Married people, on average, enjoy better mental health, physical health, and longer life expectancy than divorced/separated, widowed, and never-married people ( Hughes & Waite, 2009 ; Simon, 2002 ), although the health gap between the married and never married has decreased in the past few decades ( Liu & Umberson, 2008 ). Moreover, marital links to well-being depend on the quality of the relationship; those in distressed marriages are more likely to report depressive symptoms and poorer health than those in happy marriages ( Donoho, Crimmins, & Seeman, 2013 ; Liu & Waite, 2014 ; Umberson, Williams, Powers, Liu, & Needham, 2006 ), whereas a happy marriage may buffer the effects of stress via greater access to emotional support ( Williams, 2003 ). A number of studies suggest that the negative aspects of close relationships have a stronger impact on well-being than the positive aspects of relationships (e.g., Rook, 2014 ), and past research shows that the impact of marital strain on health increases with advancing age ( Liu & Waite, 2014 ; Umberson et al., 2006 ).

Prior studies suggest that marital transitions, either into or out of marriage, shape life context and affect well-being ( Williams & Umberson, 2004 ). National longitudinal studies provide evidence that past experiences of divorce and widowhood are associated with increased risk of heart disease in later life especially among women, irrespective of current marital status ( Zhang & Hayward, 2006 ), and longer duration of divorce or widowhood is associated with a greater number of chronic conditions and mobility limitations ( Hughes & Waite, 2009 ; Lorenz, Wickrama, Conger, & Elder, 2006 ) but only short-term declines in mental health ( Lee & Demaris, 2007 ). On the other hand, entry into marriages, especially first marriages, improves psychological well-being and decreases depression ( Frech & Williams, 2007 ; Musick & Bumpass, 2012 ), although the benefits of remarriage may not be as large as those that accompany a first marriage ( Hughes & Waite, 2009 ). Taken together, these studies show the importance of understanding the lifelong cumulative impact of marital status and marital transitions.

Gender Differences

Gender is a central focus of research on marital relationships and well-being and an important determinant of life course experiences ( Bernard, 1972 ; Liu & Waite, 2014 ; Zhang & Hayward, 2006 ). A long-observed pattern is that men receive more physical health benefits from marriage than women, and women are more psychologically and physiologically vulnerable to marital stress than men ( Kiecolt-Glaser & Newton, 2001 ; Revenson et al., 2016 ; Simon, 2002 ; Williams, 2004 ). Women tend to receive more financial benefits from their typically higher-earning male spouse than do men, but men generally receive more health promotion benefits such as emotional support and regulation of health behaviors from marriage than do women ( Liu & Umberson, 2008 ; Liu & Waite, 2014 ). This is because within a traditional marriage, women tend to take more responsibility for maintaining social connections to family and friends, and are more likely to provide emotional support to their husband, whereas men are more likely to receive emotional support and enjoy the benefit of expanded social networks—all factors that may promote husbands’ health and well-being ( Revenson et al., 2016 ).

However, there is mixed evidence regarding whether men’s or women’s well-being is more affected by marriage. On the one hand, a number of studies have documented that marital status differences in both mental and physical health are greater for men than women ( Liu & Umberson, 2008 ; Sbarra, 2009 ). For example, Williams and Umberson (2004) found that men’s health improves more than women’s from entering marriage. On the other hand, a number of studies reveal stronger effects of marital strain on women’s health than men’s including more depressive symptoms, increases in cardiovascular health risk, and changes in hormones ( Kiecolt-Glaser & Newton, 2001 ; Liu & Waite, 2014 ; Liu, Waite, & Shen, 2016 ). Yet, other studies found no gender differences in marriage and health links (e.g., Umberson et al., 2006 ). The mixed evidence regarding gender differences in the impact of marital relationships on well-being may be attributed to different study samples (e.g., with different age groups) and variations in measurements and methodologies. More research based on representative longitudinal samples is clearly warranted to contribute to this line of investigation.

Race-Ethnicity and SES Heterogeneity

Family scholars argue that marriage has different meanings and dynamics across socioeconomic status (SES) and racial-ethnic groups due to varying social, economic, historical, and cultural contexts. Therefore, marriage may be associated with well-being in different ways across these groups. For example, women who are black or lower SES may be less likely than their white, higher SES counterparts to increase their financial capital from relationship unions because eligible men in their social networks are more socioeconomically challenged ( Edin & Kefalas, 2005 ). Some studies also find that marital quality is lower among low SES and black couples than white couples with higher SES ( Broman, 2005 ). This may occur because the former groups face more stress in their daily lives throughout the life course and these higher levels of stress undermine marital quality ( Umberson, Williams, Thomas, Liu, & Thomeer, 2014 ). Other studies, however, suggest stronger effects of marriage on the well-being of black adults than white adults. For example, black older adults seem to benefit more from marriage than older whites in terms of chronic conditions and disability ( Pienta, Hayward, & Jenkins, 2000 ).

Directions for Future Research

The rapid aging of the U.S. population along with significant changes in marriage and families indicate that a growing number of older adults enter late life with both complex marital histories and great heterogeneity in their relationships. While most research to date focuses on different-sex marriages, a growing body of research has started to examine whether the marital advantage in health and well-being is extended to same-sex couples, which represents a growing segment of relationship types among older couples ( Denney, Gorman, & Barrera, 2013 ; Goldsen et al., 2017 ; Liu, Reczek, & Brown, 2013 ; Reczek, Liu, & Spiker, 2014 ). Evidence shows that same-sex cohabiting couples report worse health than different-sex married couples ( Denney et al., 2013 ; Liu et al., 2013 ), but same-sex married couples are often not significantly different from or are even better off than different-sex married couples in other outcomes such as alcohol use ( Reczek, Liu, et al., 2014 ) and care from their partner during periods of illness ( Umberson, Thomeer, Reczek, & Donnelly, 2016 ). These results suggest that marriage may promote the well-being of same-sex couples, perhaps even more so than for different-sex couples ( Umberson et al., 2016 ). Including same-sex couples in future work on marriage and well-being will garner unique insights into gender differences in marital dynamics that have long been taken for granted based on studies of different-sex couples ( Umberson, Thomeer, Kroeger, Lodge, & Xu, 2015 ). Moreover, future work on same-sex and different-sex couples should take into account the intersection of other statuses such as race-ethnicity and SES to better understand the impact of marital relationships on well-being.

Another avenue for future research involves investigating complexities of marital strain effects on well-being. Some recent studies among older adults suggest that relationship strain may actually benefit certain dimensions of well-being. These studies suggest that strain with a spouse may be protective for certain health outcomes including cognitive decline ( Xu, Thomas, & Umberson, 2016 ) and diabetes control ( Liu et al., 2016 ), while support may not be, especially for men ( Carr, Cornman, & Freedman, 2016 ). Explanations for these unexpected findings among older adults are not fully understood. Family and health scholars suggest that spouses may prod their significant others to engage in more health-promoting behaviors ( Umberson, Crosnoe, et al., 2010 ). These attempts may be a source of friction, creating strain in the relationship; however, this dynamic may still contribute to better health outcomes for older adults. Future research should explore the processes by which strain may have a positive influence on health and well-being, perhaps differently by gender.

Intergenerational Relationships

Children and parents tend to remain closely connected to each other across the life course, and it is well-established that the quality of intergenerational relationships is central to the well-being of both generations ( Merz, Schuengel, & Schulze, 2009 ; Polenick, DePasquale, Eggebeen, Zarit, & Fingerman, 2016 ). Recent research also points to the importance of relationships with grandchildren for aging adults ( Mahne & Huxhold, 2015 ). We focus here on the well-being of parents, adult children, and grandparents. Parents, grandparents, and children often provide care for each other at different points in the life course, which can contribute to social support, stress, and social control mechanisms that influence the health and well-being of each in important ways over the life course ( Nomaguchi & Milkie, 2003 ; Pinquart & Soerensen, 2007 ; Reczek, Thomeer, et al., 2014 ).

Family scholarship highlights the complexities of parent–child relationships, finding that parenthood generates both rewards and stressors, with important implications for well-being ( Nomaguchi & Milkie, 2003 ; Umberson, Pudrovska, & Reczek, 2010 ). Parenthood increases time constraints, producing stress and diminishing well-being, especially when children are younger ( Nomaguchi, Milkie, & Bianchi, 2005 ), but parenthood can also increase social integration, leading to greater emotional support and a sense of belonging and meaning ( Berkman, Glass, Brissette, & Seeman, 2000 ), with positive consequences for well-being. Studies show that adult children play a pivotal role in the social networks of their parents across the life course ( Umberson, Pudrovska, et al., 2010 ), and the effects of parenthood on health and well-being become increasingly important at older ages as adult children provide one of the major sources of care for aging adults ( Seltzer & Bianchi, 2013 ). Norms of filial obligation of adult children to care for parents may be a form of social capital to be accessed by parents when their needs arise ( Silverstein, Gans, & Yang, 2006 ).

Although the general pattern is that receiving support from adult children is beneficial for parents’ well-being ( Merz, Schulze, & Schuengel, 2010 ), there is also evidence showing that receiving social support from adult children is related to lower well-being among older adults, suggesting that challenges to an identity of independence and usefulness may offset some of the benefits of receiving support ( Merz et al., 2010 ; Thomas, 2010 ). Contrary to popular thought, older parents are also very likely to provide instrumental/financial support to their adult children, typically contributing more than they receive ( Grundy, 2005 ), and providing emotional support to their adult children is related to higher well-being for older adults ( Thomas, 2010 ). In addition, consistent with the tenets of stress process theory, most evidence points to poor quality relationships with adult children as detrimental to parents’ well-being ( Koropeckyj-Cox, 2002 ; Polenick et al., 2016 ); however, a recent study found that strain with adult children is related to better cognitive health among older parents, especially fathers ( Thomas & Umberson, 2017 ).

Adult Children

As children and parents age, the nature of the parent–child relationship often changes such that adult children may take on a caregiving role for their older parents ( Pinquart & Soerensen, 2007 ). Adult children often experience competing pressures of employment, taking care of their own children, and providing care for older parents ( Evans et al., 2016 ). Support and strain from intergenerational ties during this stressful time of balancing family roles and work obligations may be particularly important for the mental health of adults in midlife ( Thomas, 2016 ). Most evidence suggests that caregiving for parents is related to lower well-being for adult children, including more negative affect and greater stress response in terms of overall output of daily cortisol ( Bangerter et al., 2017 ); however, some studies suggest that caregiving may be beneficial or neutral for well-being ( Merz et al., 2010 ). Family scholars suggest that this discrepancy may be due to varying types of caregiving and relationship quality. For example, providing emotional support to parents can increase well-being, but providing instrumental support does not unless the caregiver is emotionally engaged ( Morelli, Lee, Arnn, & Zaki, 2015 ). Moreover, the quality of the adult child-parent relationship may matter more for the well-being of adult children than does the caregiving they provide ( Merz, Schuengel, et al., 2009 ).

Although caregiving is a critical issue, adult children generally experience many years with parents in good health ( Settersten, 2007 ), and relationship quality and support exchanges have important implications for well-being beyond caregiving roles. The preponderance of research suggests that most adults feel emotionally close to their parents, and emotional support such as encouragement, companionship, and serving as a confidant is commonly exchanged in both directions ( Swartz, 2009 ). Intergenerational support exchanges often flow across generations or towards adult children rather than towards parents. For example, adult children are more likely to receive financial support from parents than vice versa until parents are very old ( Grundy, 2005 ). Intergenerational support exchanges are integral to the lives of both parents and adult children, both in times of need and in daily life.

Grandparents

Over 65 million Americans are grandparents ( Ellis & Simmons, 2014 ), 10% of children lived with at least one grandparent in 2012 ( Dunifon, Ziol-Guest, & Kopko, 2014 ), and a growing number of American families rely on grandparents as a source of support ( Settersten, 2007 ), suggesting the importance of studying grandparenting. Grandparents’ relationships with their grandchildren are generally related to higher well-being for both grandparents and grandchildren, with some important exceptions such as when they involve more extensive childcare responsibilities ( Kim, Kang, & Johnson-Motoyama, 2017 ; Lee, Clarkson-Hendrix, & Lee, 2016 ). Most grandparents engage in activities with their grandchildren that they find meaningful, feel close to their grandchildren, consider the grandparent role important ( Swartz, 2009 ), and experience lower well-being if they lose contact with their grandchildren ( Drew & Silverstein, 2007 ). However, a growing proportion of children live in households maintained by grandparents ( Settersten, 2007 ), and grandparents who care for their grandchildren without the support of the children’s parents usually experience greater stress ( Lee et al., 2016 ) and more depressive symptoms ( Blustein, Chan, & Guanais, 2004 ), sometimes juggling grandparenting responsibilities with their own employment ( Harrington Meyer, 2014 ). Using professional help and community services reduced the detrimental effects of grandparent caregiving on well-being ( Gerard, Landry-Meyer, & Roe, 2006 ), suggesting that future policy could help mitigate the stress of grandparent parenting and enhance the rewarding aspects of grandparenting instead.

Substantial evidence suggests that the experience of intergenerational relationships varies for men and women. Women tend to be more involved with and affected by intergenerational relationships, with adult children feeling closer to mothers than fathers ( Swartz, 2009 ). Moreover, relationship quality with children is more strongly associated with mothers’ well-being than with fathers’ well-being ( Milkie et al., 2008 ). Motherhood may be particularly salient to women ( McQuillan, Greil, Shreffler, & Tichenor, 2008 ), and women carry a disproportionate share of the burden of parenting, including greater caregiving for young children and aging parents as well as time deficits from these obligations that lead to lower well-being ( Nomaguchi et al., 2005 ; Pinquart & Sorensen, 2006 ). Mothers often report greater parental pressures than fathers, such as more obligation to be there for their children ( Reczek, Thomeer, et al., 2014 ; Stone, 2007 ), and to actively work on family relationships ( Erickson, 2005 ). Mothers are also more likely to blame themselves for poor parent–child relationship quality ( Elliott, Powell, & Brenton, 2015 ), contributing to greater distress for women. It is important to take into account the different pressures and meanings surrounding intergenerational relationships for men and for women in future research.

Family scholars have noted important variations in family dynamics and constraints by race-ethnicity and socioeconomic status. Lower SES can produce and exacerbate family strains ( Conger, Conger, & Martin, 2010 ). Socioeconomically disadvantaged adult children may need more assistance from parents and grandparents who in turn have fewer resources to provide ( Seltzer & Bianchi, 2013 ). Higher SES and white families tend to provide more financial and emotional support, whereas lower SES, black, and Latino families are more likely to coreside and provide practical help, and these differences in support exchanges contribute to the intergenerational transmission of inequality through families ( Swartz, 2009 ). Moreover, scholars have found that a happiness penalty exists such that parents of young children have lower levels of well-being than nonparents; however, policies such as childcare subsidies and paid time off that help parents negotiate work and family responsibilities explain this disparity ( Glass, Simon, & Andersson, 2016 ). Fewer resources can also place strain on grandparent–grandchild relationships. For example, well-being derived from these relationships may be unequally distributed across grandparents’ education level such that those with less education bear the brunt of more stressful grandparenting experiences and lower well-being ( Mahne & Huxhold, 2015 ). Both the burden of parenting grandchildren and its effects on depressive symptoms disproportionately fall upon single grandmothers of color ( Blustein et al., 2004 ). These studies demonstrate the importance of understanding structural constraints that produce greater stress for less advantaged groups and their impact on family relationships and well-being.

Research on intergenerational relationships suggests the importance of understanding greater complexity in these relationships in future work. For example, future research should pay greater attention to diverse family structures and perspectives of multiple family members. There is an increasing trend of individuals delaying childbearing or choosing not to bear children ( Umberson, Pudrovska, et al., 2010 ). How might this influence marital quality and general well-being over the life course and across different social groups? Greater attention to the quality and context of intergenerational relationships from each family member’s perspective over time may prove fruitful by gaining both parents’ and each child’s perceptions. This work has already yielded important insights, such as the ways in which intergenerational ambivalence (simultaneous positive and negative feelings about intergenerational relationships) from the perspectives of parents and adult children may be detrimental to well-being for both parties ( Fingerman, Pitzer, Lefkowitz, Birditt, & Mroczek, 2008 ; Gilligan, Suitor, Feld, & Pillemer, 2015 ). Future work understanding the perspectives of each family member could also provide leverage in understanding the mixed findings regarding whether living in blended families with stepchildren influences well-being ( Gennetian, 2005 ; Harcourt, Adler-Baeder, Erath, & Pettit, 2013 ) and the long-term implications of these family structures when older adults need care ( Seltzer & Bianchi, 2013 ). Longitudinal data linking generations, paying greater attention to the context of these relationships, and collected from multiple family members can help untangle the ways in which family members influence each other across the life course and how multiple family members’ well-being may be intertwined in important ways.

Future studies should also consider the impact of intersecting structural locations that place unique constraints on family relationships, producing greater stress at some intersections while providing greater resources at other intersections. For example, same-sex couples are less likely to have children ( Carpenter & Gates, 2008 ) and are more likely to provide parental caregiving regardless of gender ( Reczek & Umberson, 2016 ), suggesting important implications for stress and burden in intergenerational caregiving for this group. Much of the work on gender, sexuality, race, and socioeconomic status differences in intergenerational relationships and well-being examine one or two of these statuses, but there may be unique effects at the intersection of these and other statuses such as disability, age, and nativity. Moreover, these effects may vary at different stages of the life course.

Sibling Relationships

Sibling relationships are understudied, and the research on adult siblings is more limited than for other family relationships. Yet, sibling relationships are often the longest lasting family relationship in an individual’s life due to concurrent life spans, and indeed, around 75% of 70-year olds have a living sibling ( Settersten, 2007 ). Some suggest that sibling relationships play a more meaningful role in well-being than is often recognized ( Cicirelli, 2004 ). The available evidence suggests that high quality relationships characterized by closeness with siblings are related to higher levels of well-being ( Bedford & Avioli, 2001 ), whereas sibling relationships characterized by conflict and lack of closeness have been linked to lower well-being in terms of major depression and greater drug use in adulthood ( Waldinger, Vaillant, & Orav, 2007 ). Parental favoritism and disfavoritism of children affects the closeness of siblings ( Gilligan, Suitor, & Nam, 2015 ) and depression ( Jensen, Whiteman, Fingerman, & Birditt, 2013 ). Similar to other family relationships, sibling relationships can be characterized by both positive and negative aspects that may affect elements of the stress process, providing both resources and stressors that influence well-being.

Siblings play important roles in support exchanges and caregiving, especially if their sibling experiences physical impairment and other close ties, such as a spouse or adult children, are not available ( Degeneffe & Burcham, 2008 ; Namkung, Greenberg, & Mailick, 2017 ). Although sibling caregivers report lower well-being than noncaregivers, sibling caregivers experience this lower well-being to a lesser extent than spousal caregivers ( Namkung et al., 2017 ). Most people believe that their siblings would be available to help them in a crisis ( Connidis, 1994 ; Van Volkom, 2006 ), and in general support exchanges, receiving emotional support from a sibling is related to higher levels of well-being among older adults ( Thomas, 2010 ). Relationship quality affects the experience of caregiving, with higher quality sibling relationships linked to greater provision of care ( Eriksen & Gerstel, 2002 ) and a lower likelihood of emotional strain from caregiving ( Mui & Morrow-Howell, 1993 ; Quinn, Clare, & Woods, 2009 ). Taken together, these studies suggest the importance of sibling relationships for well-being across the adult life course.

The gender of the sibling dyad may play a role in the relationship’s effect on well-being, with relationships with sisters perceived as higher quality and linked to higher well-being ( Van Volkom, 2006 ), though some argue that brothers do not show their affection in the same way but nevertheless have similar sentiments towards their siblings ( Bedford & Avioli, 2001 ). General social support exchanges with siblings may be influenced by gender and larger family context; sisters exchanged more support with their siblings when they had higher quality relationships with their parents, but brothers exhibited a more compensatory role, exchanging more emotional support with siblings when they had lower quality relationships with their parents ( Voorpostel & Blieszner, 2008 ). Caregiving for aging parents is also distributed differently by gender, falling disproportionately on female siblings ( Pinquart & Sorensen, 2006 ), and sons provide less care to their parents if they have a sister ( Grigoryeva, 2017 ). However, men in same-sex marriages were more likely than men in different-sex marriages to provide caregiving to parents and parents-in-law ( Reczek & Umberson, 2016 ), which may ease the stress and burden on their female siblings.

Although there is less research in this area, family scholars have noted variations in sibling relationships and their effects by race-ethnicity and socioeconomic status. Lower socioeconomic status has been associated with reports of feeling less attached to siblings and this influences several outcomes such as obesity, depression, and substance use ( Van Gundy et al., 2015 ). Fewer socioeconomic resources can also limit the amount of care siblings provide ( Eriksen & Gerstel, 2002 ). These studies suggest sibling relationship quality as an axis of further disadvantage for already disadvantaged individuals. Sibling relationships may influence caregiving experiences by race as well, with black caregivers more likely to have siblings who also provide care to their parents than white caregivers ( White-Means & Rubin, 2008 ) and sibling caregiving leading to lower well-being among white caregivers than minority caregivers ( Namkung et al., 2017 ).

Research on within-family differences has made great strides in our understanding of family relationships and remains a fruitful area of growth for future research (e.g., Suitor et al., 2017 ). Data gathered on multiple members within the same family can help researchers better investigate how families influence well-being in complex ways, including reciprocal influences between siblings. Siblings may have different perceptions of their relationships with each other, and this may vary by gender and other social statuses. This type of data might be especially useful in understanding family effects in diverse family structures, such as differences in treatment and outcomes of biological versus stepchildren, how characteristics of their relationships such as age differences may play a role, and the implications for caregiving for aging parents and for each other. Moreover, it is important to use longitudinal data to understand the consequences of these within-family differences over time as the life course unfolds. In addition, a greater focus on heterogeneity in sibling relationships and their consequences at the intersection of gender, race-ethnicity, SES, and other social statuses merit further investigation.

Relationships with family members are significant for well-being across the life course ( Merz, Consedine, et al., 2009 ; Umberson, Pudrovska, et al., 2010 ). As individuals age, family relationships often become more complex, with sometimes complicated marital histories, varying relationships with children, competing time pressures, and obligations for care. At the same time, family relationships become more important for well-being as individuals age and social networks diminish even as family caregiving needs increase. Stress process theory suggests that the positive and negative aspects of relationships can have a large impact on the well-being of individuals. Family relationships provide resources that can help an individual cope with stress, engage in healthier behaviors, and enhance self-esteem, leading to higher well-being. However, poor relationship quality, intense caregiving for family members, and marital dissolution are all stressors that can take a toll on an individual’s well-being. Moreover, family relationships also change over the life course, with the potential to share different levels of emotional support and closeness, to take care of us when needed, to add varying levels of stress to our lives, and to need caregiving at different points in the life course. The potential risks and rewards of these relationships have a cumulative impact on health and well-being over the life course. Additionally, structural constraints and disadvantage place greater pressures on some families than others based on structural location such as gender, race, and SES, producing further disadvantage and intergenerational transmission of inequality.

Future research should take into account greater complexity in family relationships, diverse family structures, and intersections of social statuses. The rapid aging of the U.S. population along with significant changes in marriage and families suggest more complex marital and family histories as adults enter late life, which will have a large impact on family dynamics and caregiving. Growing segments of family relationships among older adults include same-sex couples, those without children, and those experiencing marital transitions leading to diverse family structures, which all merit greater attention in future research. Moreover, there is some evidence that strain in relationships can be beneficial for certain health outcomes, and the processes by which this occurs merit further investigation. A greater use of longitudinal data that link generations and obtain information from multiple family members will help researchers better understand the ways in which these complex family relationships unfold across the life course and shape well-being. We also highlighted gender, race-ethnicity, and socioeconomic status differences in each of these family relationships and their impact on well-being; however, many studies only consider one status at a time. Future research should consider the impact of intersecting structural locations that place unique constraints on family relationships, producing greater stress or providing greater resources at the intersections of different statuses.

The changing landscape of families combined with population aging present unique challenges and pressures for families and health care systems. With more experiences of age-related disease in a growing population of older adults as well as more complex family histories as these adults enter late life, such as a growing proportion of diverse family structures without children or with stepchildren, caregiving obligations and availability may be less clear. It is important to address ways to ease caregiving or shift the burden away from families through a variety of policies, such as greater resources for in-home aid, creation of older adult residential communities that facilitate social interactions and social support structures, and patient advocates to help older adults navigate health care systems. Adults in midlife may experience competing family pressures from their young children and aging parents, and policies such as childcare subsidies and paid leave to care for family members could reduce burden during this often stressful time ( Glass et al., 2016 ). Professional help and community services can also reduce the burden for grandparents involved in childcare, enabling grandparents to focus on the more positive aspects of grandparent–grandchild relationships. It is important for future research and health promotion policies to take into account the contexts and complexities of family relationships as part of a multipronged approach to benefit health and well-being, especially as a growing proportion of older adults reach late life.

This work was supported in part by grant, 5 R24 HD042849, Population Research Center, awarded to the Population Research Center at The University of Texas at Austin by the Eunice Kennedy Shriver National Institute of Child Health and Human Development.

Conflict of Interest

None reported.

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Thesis Statement About Family

There are many different types of families, and each one has its own way of functioning. The family is the basic unit of society, and as such, it is important to understand how it works.

The family system thesis is a theory that suggests that the family is the basic unit of society, and that it plays a vital role in socializing children. According to this theory, the family is responsible for providing love, support, and structure to its members. Additionally, the family is believed to be responsible for transmitting values and beliefs to its members.

This theory has been used to explain many different phenomena, including child abuse and neglect. It has also been used to explain why some parenting styles are more effective than others. Additionally, the family system thesis can help to explain why some families are more successful than others.

Overall, the family system thesis is a theory that can help to explain many different aspects of family life. It is important to remember, however, that every family is different, and that this theory should not be used to judge or compare families. Instead, it should be used as a tool to better understand how families work and what their role is in society.

Families are dynamic and interdependent networks in today’s world. The children’s developmental processes are influenced by the family system’s operation. A family’s structure, on the other hand, does not determine whether it is a healthy family system. There are single parents, stepfathers, divorced parents, remarried parents, grandparents, aunts and uncles among today’s families.

The family system thesis posits that all families are systems, and each family system has its own unique structure and function. The family system thesis states that the family is the basic unit of society. The family is a social institution that plays a vital role in the socialization of children. The family is also the primary source of love, support, and care for its members.The family system thesis further states that the family is a key factor in the development and well-being of its members.

The family provides love, support, security, and stability to its members. It also helps to socialize children and prepare them for adulthood. In addition, the family promotes the physical, psychological, and emotional health of its members.

The family system thesis has important implications for child development and family functioning. It suggests that the family is a crucial factor in the development of children. It also suggests that the family plays a vital role in the well-being of its members. The family system thesis has important implications for social policy and practice. It suggests that policies and programs should focus on strengthening families and supporting their functioning.

By meeting each family member’s needs and encouraging good communication, they can all help to maintain a healthy family system (Jamiolkowski, 2008). A child’s physical and emotional health are both harmed by an unhealthy family structure. An ill family arrangement has both negative and permanent consequences on a youngster’s brain and social development.

It can lead to physical and emotional problems in children such as anxiety, depression, attachment issues, and eating disorders (Jamiolkowski, 2008).

There are many different types of families, and each family has its own way of functioning. The type of family system a child grows up in can have a big impact on their development. There are four main types of family systems: nuclear families, extended families, single-parent families, and blended families.

Nuclear families are the most common type of family in the United States. A nuclear family is typically composed of a mother, father, and their children. In some cases, grandparents may also be part of the nuclear family (Jamiolkowski, 2008). Nuclear families usually live in the same house and have a close relationship.

Extended families are larger than nuclear families and typically include grandparents, aunts, uncles, and cousins. Extended family members often live close to each other and help support each other. In some cultures, extended family members may even live in the same house (Jamiolkowski, 2008).

Single-parent families are becoming more common in the United States. In a single-parent family, there is only one parent raising the children. The other parent is either not present or not involved in the child’s life. Single-parent families can be either nuclear or extended families (Jamiolkowski, 2008).

Blended families are created when two people with children from previous relationships get married or start a relationship. The children from both families become step-siblings. Blended families often have to work hard to create a new family system that works for everyone (Jamiolkowski, 2008).

No matter what type of family system a child grows up in, there are certain things that all families need in order to function well. Families need love, support, communication, and respect. They also need to be able to solve problems and deal with conflict in a healthy way. When families have these things, they are more likely to be happy and functional.

A healthy family system is a family unit in which each person’s requirements are met. These needs include safety, security, survival, love and belonging, as well as self-esteem and developmental abilities. The members of a healthy family structure share an affection for one another, respect one another, and follow certain rules to safeguard and improve the welfare of each member (Jamiolkowski, 2008).

A dysfunctional family system is a family unit in which the needs of the members are not being met. In these families, there is often conflict, violence, and/or abuse. The members of dysfunctional families may not have a close relationship with one another and may not show respect for one another. There may also be a lack of rules or boundary violations within the family (Jamiolkowski, 2008).

There are many reasons why families become dysfunctional. One reason may be because of child abuse. Child abuse can take many forms, including physical, emotional, and sexual abuse. It can also include neglect, which is when a parent fails to provide for their child’s basic needs. Child abuse can have lasting effects on a child’s development, and can even lead to problems in adulthood (Jamiolkowski, 2008).

Another reason why families may become dysfunctional is due to parenting styles. Parenting styles are the ways in which parents interact with and raise their children. There are four main types of parenting styles: authoritarian, permissive, uninvolved, and authoritative.

Authoritarian parents are very strict and have high expectations for their children. Permissive parents are more lenient and do not have as many rules or expectations for their children. Uninvolved parents are generally uninterested in their children’s lives and do not provide much support. Authoritative parents are supportive and have high expectations for their children (Jamiolkowski, 2008).

Families can also become dysfunctional due to substance abuse. Substance abuse is a major problem in many families and can lead to a number of problems, such as financial difficulties, job loss, and legal issues. It can also cause strain on relationships and lead to conflict within the family (Jamiolkowski, 2008).

There are many ways to help dysfunctional families get back on track. Family therapy is one way to help families make changes and improve communication. Parent education classes can also be helpful for parents who want to learn more about how to effectively parent their children. Individual counseling may also be beneficial for family members who are struggling with personal issues (Jamiolkowski, 2008).

No matter what the reason is for a family’s dysfunction, it is important to seek help if you are struggling. There are many resources available to help families make changes and get back on track. Don’t be afraid to reach out for help if you need it.

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