research paper on terrorism thesis

200+ Academic Theses (Ph.D. and MA) on Terrorism- and Counter-Terrorism - related Issues, written in French, Spanish, Italian, German, Dutch, and Norwegian

This bibliography contains doctoral dissertations (Ph.D.) and Master’s (MA) Theses on issues relating to terrorism and counter-terrorism. Titles were retrieved manually by browsing the Open Access Theses and Dissertations (OATD) database, using the search terms ‘terrorisme’, ‘terrorismo’, and ‘Terrorismus’. More than 1,000 entries were evaluated, of which slightly more than 200 were ultimately selected for this list. All theses are open source. However, readers should observe possible copyright restrictions. The title entries are ‘clickable’, allowing access to full texts.

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TERRORISM IN THE PHILIPPINES: THREATS AND RESPONSES BEFORE AND AFTER MARAWI SIEGE

2018, published in Marwill N.Llasos and Modesta Apesa H. Chungalao, eds., Perspective on Terrorism in the Philippine Context (Quezon City: University of the Philippines Law Center, 2018), pp. 51-77.

Though terrorism became a catchword after the September 11, 2001 (9/11) terrorist attacks on the United States, threats of terrorism in the Philippines pre-dated 9/11. In fact, terrorist personalities working for the Al-Qaeda planned the 9/11 attacks in the Philippines as early as the mid-1990s. These terrorist personalities established a very strong support network of local and foreign terrorist fighters used eventually by the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) in the siege of Marawi City on May 2017. This paper presents a brief historical background of terrorist threats in the Philippines and how these pre-existing terrorist threats immensely contributed to the 9/11 attacks and subsequent violent attacks in the Philippines after 9/11. This paper also describes some responses of the Philippine government to terrorist threats after 9/11, particularly in the context of Marawi siege of 2017. This paper concludes with an analysis of continuing threats of terrorism in the Philippines.

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Dion Lorenz Romano

Last June 1, 2020, President Duterte certified the Anti-Terrorism Bill as urgent. Subsequently, Congress adopted the Senate version and passed it in the shortest time possible. The bill was intended to provide measures for the protection of the ordinary Filipino from acts of terrorism, and should have been with support and approval under normal circumstances. But this time is far from normal, and the bill has attracted opposition not only from the left, but from a broader sector of society. This brings us to these questions: what were the compelling reasons to certify the bill as more urgent than say, the extension of the extraordinary powers of the President to address the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic on the ordinary Filipino and our economy? Is the bill aligned with our constitution? Will it solve the domestic security problems festering for decades? What drives the objections against the bill? But perhaps the most disturbing concern among most members of society – do we have ...

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Rommel Banlaoi

Threats of narcoterrorism have received very serious attention in the Philippine when the Philippine government under the administration of President Rodrigo Roa Duterte vigorously raised the menace in the aftermath of the 2 September 2016 Davao City bombing and the 23 May 2017 Marawi City siege. Though narcoterrorism has been a global problem since the 1980s, it takes almost four decades for the Philippine government to realize the gravity of this threat only in the aftermath of the siege of Marawi City by armed groups claiming to be part of the Islamic State (IS), more known initially as the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS). As a result, the Duterte Administration securitized narcoterrorism in his National Security Policy 2017-2022 and National Security Strategy 2018 declaring drugs and terrorism as national security threats. As a concept, narcoterrorism remains to be very nebulous. As a threat, it arguably presents panoply of complex security challenges for law enforcement not only for the Philippines but also for the international community. Other countries have been combating narcoterrorism for years with mixed results and unintended consequences. Based on great lessons learned from exemplary practices of other countries and cognizant of the Philippines’ own unique situations and experiences, the Duterte government needs to develop a more humane and socially responsible innovative anti-narcoterrorism approach that applies not only a strong law enforcement but also a decisive treatment through rehabilitation and care.

Verity: Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional (International Relations Journal)

Rachel Kumendong

Since 2014, the Islamic State (IS) has emerged as one of the deadliest threats to world peace and security, as evidenced by the increasing number of terrorist attacks carried out by IS worldwide, and the number of fatalities caused by these attacks. IS established its strongholds in Iraq and Syria and is determined to create a global caliphate through the creation of IS wilayats across the world. In 2016, IS began to weaken and lose territory in the Middle East which resulted in it strengthening its power in Southeast Asia by forming a wilayat in the Southern Philippines.The presence of IS in the Philippines has been perceived as a national security threat in the country. President Rodrigo Duterte has formulated a national strategy to combat global terrorism in the country. This study aims to determine the strategy to eradicate global terrorism in the Philippines and explain the considerations behind the formation of that strategy. This research uses neoclassical realist perspective...

IJASS PUBLICATION

IJASS JOURNAL

Terrorism is often used as a means to achieve political goals, power, religious interests, and other similar ends. Terrorism is a form of threat that can lead to acts of violence, destruction, and chaos as a violation of the law generally carried out in a targeted and planned manner. The Philippines is one of the countries that has become a strategic target for terrorist acts. The threat of the theoretical group cannot be separated from the condition of the Philippine government which is not yet structurally and intellectually strong in dealing with this threat. In this paper, the author wants to examine the form of the threat of terrorism which is a serious nuisance to the security of the Philippines. So that it can be seen whether the increasing threat of terrorists in the Philippines is in line with the readiness of the government to deal with these threats. This research method uses a qualitative description. By focusing on the existing problems described descriptively, namely by using a qualitative method to make descriptive results able to form concepts in the form of more objective results. The short result of the research is that the largest terrorist group in the Philippines is Abu Sayyaf. As the seeds of terrorism in the Philippines started from the struggle of the Moro nation in seeking asylum for independence, it changed from an Islamic political movement, namely the National Liberation Front (MNLF) and then in the 80s it split into a more radical Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), and that utilized by the ASG group (Abu Sayyaf Group). Both the MNLF and MILF deny ties to the Abu Sayyaf group. The two have officially distanced themselves because of his attacks on civilians and his alleged profiteering.

IAG and GCERF

This paper contends that in the aftermath of the Marawi siege, suicide terrorism has become the most favored means of attack by pro-IS fighters in the Philippines, particularly those associated with the ASG. This paper presents historical factors that give rise to suicide terrorism in the Philippines. It also examines the emergence of suicide terrorism in the Philippines culminating in the 2020 Jolo twin bombings. This paper also describes the persistent threats of suicide terrorism in the Philippines that can be addressed by innovative measures like preventing and countering violent extremism (P/CVE).

IPAC Reports

Sidney Jones

The latest report by the IPAC team examines the Jolo bombing and what it shows us about the state of leadership, capacity and organisation of the pro-ISIS elements that took over Marawi. It also explores the issue of foreign fighters in Mindanao. It argues that the most important counter-terrorism measure the government and donors can take is to ensure the success of the new autonomous region, BARMM.

Joanie Chung-Yin Yeung

The Philippines have seen some of the deadliest and most persistent armed insurgencies in Asia. The government’s counter-insurgency programs, mainly started under the Marcos administration in the 1960s, have faced tremendous challenges from various Islamic insurgent groups, namely the MNLF, MILF and the ASG (Abu Sayyaf). This thesis examines the major strengths and weaknesses of the government’s counter-insurgent policies from the 1960s to the present day. It will first explore its weaknesses: the problem of legitimacy of the government in the eyes of the Filipino Muslims due to its historical colonial legacies and its inability to safeguard Muslim communities from socio-economic backwardness and violent outbreaks which have repeatedly jeopardized the government’s efforts. The essay will then examine the strengths and prospects of the counter-insurgent strategies by looking at the consistency the government’s goal over the decades as well as its ability to win over numerous insurgents and the importance of exploiting the divisions among the groups.

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40 Terrorism Research Paper Topics

Read also: How to start off a research paper ?

• How does the development of technologies affect the tactics of terrorists?
• The tragedy of 9/11
• The Incels movement: a growing danger?
• Terrorism and religion
• Using minors and vulnerable social groups in terrorist acts
• The role of terrorism in the creation and development of Israel
• The most powerful international terrorism groups: Boko Haram, Al Qaeda and others
• Partisan movements and terrorism
• The history of terrorism
• What methods are justified when fighting terrorism?
• Hiroshima bombing: can it be considered terrorism?
• Terrorism in media and films
• The process of radicalization. The creation of terrorist groups
• Motivations of terrorist groups
• Terrorism and Mafia: similarities, differences and cooperation
• Terrorism as a tool for politics. Can it be used to benefit some particular political forces?
• Guantanamo Bay Detention Camp: was it justified?
• Suicide bombing and psychological conditioning of suicide bombers
• Bioterrorism
• Terrorism and human trafficking
• Terrorism threat and the international travel safety
• Is non-violent response to terrorism possible?
• The ways to work with society to prevent terroristic acts
• The first psychological aid to the victims or witnesses of terrorist act
• Why terrorists use hostages? What shall the potential hostages do to survive?
• The main differences between political and non-political terrorism
• The recruiting strategies of terrorists
• Counterterrorism all over the world
• The most prominent terrorist leaders
• The most famous counterterrorist operations
• What can society do to prevent terrorism?
• The future of terrorism. May it evolve?
• The process of taking responsibility for terrorist act: why and how the terrorists do this?
• The model of Israel society. Is it good for fighting terrorism?
• Terrorism as international crime
• Nuclear terrorism
• Terrorism and blackmailing
• Is it possible to exit a terrorist cell?
• Ideological terrorism
• The different definitions of terrorism and the cause of their creation

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Terrorism Dissertation Topics Ideas

Published by Owen Ingram at January 5th, 2023 , Revised On March 24, 2023

Introduction

Terrorism is a major global threat to public safety and security. It is an unlawful use of violence and intimidation to achieve political, ideological or religious goals. Terrorist attacks are always extremely devastating and have the potential to cause significant destruction, fear, injury and even death.

Terrorists employ many tactics, including bombings, hijackings, hostage takings, assassinations, cyber-attacks and more. The impact of terrorism on society is widespread, as it can cause economic damage by disrupting financial markets, creating social unrest through fear-mongering and creating long-term psychological trauma for affected individuals or communities.

Governments worldwide have implemented various initiatives designed to tackle this type of crime, but terrorist groups continue to operate across international borders with impunity.

Conducting research on terrorism is an essential aspect of a student’s dissertation and understanding of terrorism-related topics. In order to develop a comprehensive understanding of this complex field, students should dedicate time to researching the phenomenon of terrorism and its implications for national security.

In today’s world, terrorism has become one of the most pressing issues faced by countries all over the globe. Thus, it is important for students to be knowledgeable about current events and how they relate to global security.

Developing a solid analytical outlook towards terrorist groups, their goals, and objectives can open up new opportunities in the realm of national security policy-making and counter-terrorism initiatives. Moreover, it can help in developing comprehensive solutions which are aimed at curbing terrorist activity in areas around the world that are prone to violence.

How Should Students Choose Terrorism-Related Dissertation Topics?

When it comes to topics related to terrorism, this task becomes even more difficult as many complex and diverse topics can be investigated. Students should consider certain factors while choosing their dissertation topic to ensure they have chosen an appropriate and practical research area.

First, students should identify what area or field they wish to focus on for their dissertation. For example, suppose a student is interested in researching international terrorism. In that case, they should look for potential research topics related to this field, such as analysing terrorist networks or understanding state responses towards transnational terrorist organisations.

Students can also look on more specific areas, such as examining the role of social media in recruiting individuals into terror networks or looking at counter-terrorism strategies employed by different countries around the world.

Terrorism Dissertation Topics List

• Are counter-terrorism strategies effective? The results of the Campbell systematic review on counter-terrorism evaluation research
•  Combating terrorism: strategies of ten countries
• Rethinking Nigeria’s counter-terrorism strategy
• Common threat and common response? The European Union’s counter-terrorism strategy and its problems
• Credibility in the global war on terrorism: Strategic principles and research agenda
• A strategic framework for terrorism prevention and mitigation in tourism destinations
• From convergence to deep integration: Evaluating the impact of EU counter-terrorism strategies on domestic arenas
• Counter-terrorism strategies in Indonesia, Algeria and Saudi Arabia
• Hard versus soft measures to security: Explaining the failure of counter-terrorism strategy in Nigeria
• Putting terrorism in context: Lessons from the Global Terrorism Database
• What is domestic terrorism? A method for classifying events from the global terrorism database
• Characterising chemical terrorism incidents collected by the global terrorism database, 1970-2015
• Machine learning techniques to visualise and predict terrorist attacks worldwide using the global terrorism database
• The impact of terrorism on financial markets: An empirical study
• The impact of terrorism and conflicts on growth in Asia
• The economic impact of terrorism from 2000 to 2018
• The impact of terrorism on European tourism
• The impact of terrorism on Italian employment and business activity
• Impact of terrorism on economic development in Pakistan.
• Psychological impact of terrorism on children and families in the United States
• The impact of terrorism on the brain and behaviour: what we know and what we need to know
• Terrorism, the future, and US foreign policy
• Jewish terrorism in Israel
• Israel–Palestine: One State or Two: Why a Two-State Solution is Desirable, Necessary, and Feasible
• The Terrorism Acts In 2011: Report of the Independent Reviewer on the Operation of the Terrorism Act 2000 and of Part 1 of the Terrorism Act 2006

Also read: Dissertation Topics on Ukraine, Russia and NATO Conflict , Dissertation Topics on USA’s Withdrawal From Afghanistan , International Relations and Geopolitics Dissertation Topics , International Development Dissertation Topics , Criminal Psychology Dissertation Ideas .These subject topics will help you in getting dissertation research ideas, if you are studying in any mentioned subject.

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ResearchProspect writers can send several custom topic ideas to your email address. Once you have chosen a topic that suits your needs and interests, you can order for our dissertation outline service which will include a brief introduction to the topic, research questions , literature review , methodology , expected results , and conclusion . The dissertation outline will enable you to review the quality of our work before placing the order for our full dissertation writing service!

What are the Benefits of Choosing a Good Terrorism Dissertation Topic?

Choosing the right topic for a dissertation on terrorism can be difficult. However, considering the various factors associated with it can help make the decision more accessible and beneficial to students.

A good terrorism dissertation topic should be relevant, engaging and unique enough to stand out from other written works in the field. It is also essential to address an issue or question that has yet to be looked at in depth.

In addition to helping students build their research skills, choosing an effective dissertation topic on terrorism will allow them to explore an area of interest in depth and develop a better understanding of complex issues related to this subject matter.

Students should also remember that selecting a current issue or one with potential implications for national security is likely to attract greater interest from potential employers or universities when applying for jobs or further study opportunities.

FAQs Related to Terrorism Dissertation Topics

What are some terrorism dissertation topics for students.

In the article above, there are multiple dissertation topics related to terrorism. You can choose any of them. A few areas explored include:

• Counterterrorism,
• Global governance,
• Conflict resolution

Are these dissertation topics unique?

Yes, all these dissertation topics are unique. But other students might have used them. You can take help from our dissertation topic services to get a unique topic for your terrorism dissertation.

What are the benefits of using the dissertation topic service?

The most beneficial part of dissertation topic services is that it offers help from experienced professionals with extensive knowledge in the field of research. This includes an initial consultation to discuss ideas, direct access to resources and databases, advice on turning those ideas into concrete topics, and suggestions on organising a literature review or methodology.

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Terrorism Research Paper

This sample terrorism research paper features: 7300 words (approx. 24 pages), an outline, and a bibliography with 57 sources. Browse other research paper examples for more inspiration. If you need a thorough research paper written according to all the academic standards, you can always turn to our experienced writers for help. This is how your paper can get an A! Feel free to contact our writing service for professional assistance. We offer high-quality assignments for reasonable rates.

Interdisciplinarity of Terrorism

The definition of terrorism, the history of terrorism, the new terrorism, terrorism and new technologies, terrorism in the contemporary world scene, terrorism and globalization, secular, religious, and fundamentalist terrorism, new areas of inquiry, future opportunities, more terrorism research papers:.

• Anthropology of Terrorism Research Paper
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• Counterterrorism and the Media Research Paper
• Criminology and Terrorism Research Paper
• Ecoterrorism Research Paper
• History of Terrorism Research Paper
• Homegrown Terrorism Research Paper
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Terrorism is an interdisciplinary topic that requires the contributions of experts in the areas of history, political science, social science, philosophy, religion, psychology, sociology, finance, strategic studies, international relations, criminal justice, crime prevention and control, public safety, warfare, counterterrorism theory and practice, anthropology, languages, and cultural studies. History, the social sciences, political science, and psychology are especially useful in understanding the origins, reasons, justifications, motivations, and changes in the meaning and definition of terrorism. The recent emergence of terrorism, which is inspired by religious fundamentalism and ethnicseparatist elements rather than political ideology, serves as but one critical example of the complex nature of this phenomenon. For these reasons, diverse theoretical approaches are needed to explain the worldwide growth and expansion of terrorism within the complex matrix of social, cultural, economic, religious, psychological, political, and strategic variables (Ross 1996; Sharif 1996).

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Terrorism is political in its objectives and motives; violent or threatening violence; meant to have wide and deep psychological repercussions beyond the particular victim or target; committed by an organization with a command hierarchy that can be identified or a cell configuration that permits conspiratorial activities; and carried out by a subnational group or nonstate body. Thus, terrorism can be defined as the deliberate generation, instillation, and exploitation of fear into a competing group, party, government, or public opinion through violence or the threat of violence with the goal of introducing political change (Noble 1998).

Terrorists may be loners or people working in cells, small groups, or large coalitions. They do not answer to nor are they dependent on any government, they function across national borders, use advanced technology, and receive funding from anywhere in the world. Contemporary terrorists are not worried about limiting casualties. Current terrorism takes great advantage of ease and speed of travel, advanced communications and technology, anonymous financial transactions, and scientific and technological breakthroughs that greatly facilitate its mission. Most of all, the “new” terrorism has a global dimension. Indeed, globalization and religious extremism have greatly facilitated the activities of terrorism.

The interest of the social sciences in terrorism dates back to the analysis by political sociologists of anarchism, revolutionary movements, and insurgencies. Sociologists focusing on social change have also dedicated considerable space to the topic. In the past, Marxist and leftist sociologists addressed issues related to terrorism but did so within the context of liberation movements. The analysis and development of the area expanded in the 1970s, spurred by the growth of terrorism in the Middle East, related especially to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict; in Europe, particularly in Germany, Spain, the United Kingdom (Northern Ireland), and Italy; and in various Latin American countries. In South America, reformers involved in the liberation theology movement and the struggle for social and political change in the hemisphere also contributed to the field. Work on the phenomenon was no doubt influenced and colored by political currents such as Marxism and other left-leaning approaches that stressed themes related to the struggle of the oppressed against subjugation and exploitation by colonialism and capitalism. On the opposite side of the spectrum, the center and center-right perspectives emphasized instead the darker, criminal, or antidemocratic side of terrorist activities. Sociology provided the conceptual approaches, theories, and tools to analyze, understand, and explain terrorism as a social phenomenon and to formulate remedial and preventative interventions.

The statutory definition that the U.S. government uses to track and keep statistics on terrorism is as follows: “premeditated, politically motivated violence perpetrated against non-combatant targets by subnational groups or clandestine agents, usually intended to influence an audience” [22 U.S.C. 2656f (d)]. By this definition, terrorism has several elements:

• There must be an intent and a prior decision to commit an act that entails this type of violence.
• Political motivation, thus eliminating criminal violence for monetary gain or personal revenge. Of course, criminal violence can have political repercussions too as it generates more and more fear of crime. And, on the other hand, terror is often connected with criminal activities but its goal is serving a greater good as defined by the terrorists.
• Attacking people who cannot defend themselves or respond in kind.
• Planned and carried out by a group. There is debate whether or not there can be a case of “individual” terrorism. The place and the role of clandestine agents and subnational groups is a delicate issue because at times governments, including the United States, have used both. This has sometimes meant the use of force, which has generated civilian casualties.

It is noteworthy that the definition does not include the threat of violence and thus serves to establish that terrorism is but one form of behavior along a continuum of possible political behaviors people engage in to express themselves and to cast attention toward the social, economic, and political conditions they desire to change. In this area, then, it is essential to bear in mind that terrorism is first and foremost a method that is centered on what people do rather than who they are and what they are attempting to achieve. Thus, counterterrorism can be viewed as an attempt to civilize the way in which a heated political contest is waged.

Terrorism is basically and fundamentally political in nature. It is also very much about power—that is, pursuing power, acquiring power, and using power to cause political change. Consequently, terrorism is also violence or, just as importantly, the threat of violence used and aimed in the pursuit of or in the service of a political objective.

The word terrorism initially became popular during the French Revolution when it did have a progovernmental, “positive” connotation. The régime de la terreur of 1793–1794, from which the English word originates, was established as a means to impose and consolidate power during the transient anarchical time of disorder and unrest that followed the revolution of 1789. Thus, instead of meaning an antigovernment operation, like it does today, the régime de la terreur was a government tool used to consolidate and firm up the power of the new government by intimidating, terrifying, and eliminating counterrevolutionaries, political opponents, and other dissidents deemed to be “enemies of the people.” Less than a year after the execution of Robespierre, the word terrorism was popularized in English by Edmund Burke (1790) in his polemic tract against the French Revolution where he wrote about “thousands of those Hell hounds called Terrorists. . . . let loose on the people” (p. 34).

One of the major outcomes of the French Revolution was the growing rejection of absolute monarchical systems that claimed to derive their authority directly from God and therefore to be entitled to a divine right to rule without constraints or limits. It also inspired the overall political awakening of Europe. Independence and nationalist movements flourished and succeeded in creating modern nationstates in some parts of Europe, as in the case of Germany and Italy. At the same time, dramatic socioeconomic changes were taking place as a consequence of massive industrialization, particularly in England and Germany. The alienation and exploitation of workers by nineteenthcentury capitalism provided the fertile ground for the sprouting and growing of new “universalist” ideologies. The most important ones are socialism and eventually communism.

During this period of social change in Europe the concept of terrorism was expanded and elaborated on. For example, an Italian revolutionary, Carlo Pisacane, who forsook his nobility status to lead an ill-fated rebellion against the Bourbon monarchy in Southern Italy, developed the idea of “propaganda by deed,” a concept that has exerted considerable influence on revolutionaries, insurgents, and terrorists ever since. Pisacane argued that violence is needed not only to attract attention to the cause or to generate publicity but to inform, educate, and, in the end, get the masses behind the revolution. Pamphlets, wall posters, or gatherings will never effectively substitute for the didactic value of violence.

One of the most notable groups to put Pisacane’s theory into practice was probably the Narodnaya Volya (people’s will or people’s freedom), a small group of Russian proponents of constitutional government in Russia started in 1878 to limit the unconstrained power of the tsar. Ironically, the success of the group in assassinating Tsar Alexander II on March 1, 1881, led to its complete suppression. The message of Pisacane and of Narodnaya Volya deeply affected the growing anarchist movement. An anarchist conference in London in 1881 endorsed the killing of the tsar and supported the idea of tyrannicide as a means for achieving revolutionary change.

By the 1930s, terrorism did not mean so much revolutionary movements and violence against governments or empires but rather the politics and practices of mass oppression and repression used by dictatorships and their leaders against their own citizenry. In other words, it meant again, like at the end of the terror regime in France, governmental abuse of power as it was taking place especially in Nazi Germany, Fascist Italy, and the Stalinist Soviet Union.

Similar forms of state-planned, imposed, or directed violence have taken place and are still occurring in various parts of the world. Violence has been a well-known aspect of right of center military dictatorships in Latin America, Europe, Asia, and Africa, especially in Chile, Argentina (Buchanan 1987; Cox 1983), Brazil, Greece, Spain, Portugal, various African countries, the Philippines, Indonesia, Burma, and Pakistan. Use of violence and intimidation by government authorities against their own people is generally identified as terror to distinguish such behavior from terrorism or violence that is carried out by nonstate entities (Moxon-Browne 1994).

The meaning of terrorism changed once more after World War II, thereby reclaiming the revolutionary reputation with which it is associated today. In the late 1940s, 1950s, and into the 1960s, terrorism was connected with the uprisings by indigenous populations in various parts of the world—Africa, Asia, the Middle East—to expel European colonial powers from their countries. At times they involved long guerrilla wars or terrorism. Well-known examples are Algeria, Cyprus, Israel, Kenya, and Vietnam. Many nationalistic rebellions took the form of guerrilla war. The Cuban Revolution of 1956 became a model for left-wing ideologues as a struggle against capitalist powers. Because these movements were perceived internationally as a struggle for liberation, decolonization, and self-determination, thanks in part to adroit public relations campaigns by the insurgents and their supporters in the First World, the term freedom fighter became increasingly used to describe them. This was also part of the Cold War’s psychological and political warfare between the Soviet Union and its supporters, which praised the insurgents fighting against capitalism, and the United States and Western European countries, which resisted them, for instance, in the Philippines and Puerto Rico.

At the end of the 1960s and into the 1970s, terrorism was still viewed within a revolutionary framework even though usage of the term was expanded to encompass nationalist and ethnic separatist groups beyond a colonial or neocolonial context as well as radical and ideologically driven organizations. In particular, ethnic minorities seeking independence or autonomy used terrorism not only to inflict casualties and serious damage to the dominant group but also to attract international attention, sympathy, and aid. The late 1960s also saw major student’s upheavals in Western Europe and the United States that had in some cases terrorist overtones and rhetoric (Wilkinson 1994).

More recently, the term terrorism has been used to describe broader, less narrow phenomena. In the early 1980s, terrorism was considered a planned and calculated strategy to destabilize the Western world as part of a vast global conspiracy. Claire Sterling (1981) in her book The Terror Network described apparently isolated terrorist events committed by different groups around the globe that were actually connected elements of a secret plan, under the direction of the former USSR and implemented by its Warsaw Pact countries to annihilate the free world. At the time the Cold War atmosphere offered the theory as appealing, particularly to the American and some western European governments.

The communist conspiracy was eventually overshadowed in the mid-1980s when a series of suicide bombings aimed mostly at American diplomatic and military targets in the Middle East abruptly called attention to the growing menace of state-sponsored terrorism. Several renegade foreign governments such as Iran, Iraq, Libya, and Syria were suspected and accused of being actively involved in sponsoring or commissioning terrorist acts.

In the early 1990s, the meaning and use of the term terrorism were once again changed by the appearance of two new expressions—narco-terrorism and the “gray area phenomenon.” Narco-terrorism was initially linked to an overall communist and Soviet plot to sabotage Western society. It presumably involved the use of drug trafficking to support and implement the objectives of certain governments and terrorist organizations, such as the Soviet Union, Cuba, Bulgaria, and Nicaragua. But the emphasis on this supposed type of narco-terrorism may have effectively diverted attention from yet another emerging trend— namely, the alliance of criminal and violence-driven organizations with terrorist and guerrilla entities that employed violence not only for the advancement of their business activities but for achieving political ends as well. One of the best-known examples of this was the growing power and influence of the Colombian cocaine cartels with their close alliance with left-wing terrorist groups in Colombia and Peru (Brown and Merrill 1995).

In the 1990s, terrorism was also cast by some analysts into a “gray area phenomenon,” thereby stressing the difficulty in clearly pinpointing what terrorism is. Basically, this approach reflects the growing fluidity of subnational conflict in the post–Cold War era. Terrorism in this sense represents threats to the stability of nation-states by nonstate actors and violence affecting large regions of the world or major urban areas where the central government has lost its influence and control to new half-political, half-criminal groups. It also covers different types of conflicts that do not fit well into traditionally recognized concepts of war as the fighting between clearly marked armed forces of two or more countries. It involves instead irregular forces as one or more of the combatants. The shift here is clearly toward nonstate conflict. Consequently, one could argue that terrorism is simply a manifestation of violence in a particular time period and thus it evolves and manifests itself in different ways. In a sense, terrorism is always changing (Alexander and Latter 1990; Baumel, 1999; Coates 1987; Corcoran, 1995; Smith 1994; Stern 1996; Walter 1995).

The United States and the world, particularly the Western world, were awakened to the existence of a new form of terrorism based in the Middle East by a series of events that ultimately culminated in the September 11, 2001, catastrophic attacks in New York and Washington, D.C. Since then, the names of Osama Bin-Laden and Al-Qaeda have become universally known and immediately connected with a violent struggle with an international reach and a strong religious dimension (Stern 1999) against the United States and Western interests based in the Middle East. The new terrorism has greater potential to cause damage to the United States, the West, and other countries, including parts of the Muslim world. The dangerous nature of the new terrorism stems from its being organized around loosely linked cells that do not depend on a single leader or a state sponsor. It is transnational, borderless, and carried out by nonstate actors. In comparing the “new” with the “old” terrorism, one would emphasize the following:

• The new terrorism is more violent. In the old model, terrorists sought attention, not mass casualties. Presently, they want both.
• The most dangerous terrorists today are transnational nonstate actors who operate at the global level and want to inflict damage and even destroy all secular state systems, including those with Islamic roots. Previous terrorist organizations held locally oriented aspirations; today’s terrorism is global in reach and has strategic objectives. Its members are transnational, nonstate actors whose allegiance goes to a cause, not a particular state or political entity.
• The new terrorism is much better financed than its predecessors that depended on state sponsors to fund their activities.
• Current terrorists are more impenetrable than previous groups. The loose, but networked, cellular structure of Al Qaeda and similar terrorist organizations are especially difficult. Religious and highly motivated extremists are also difficult to entrap using money, entertainment, and sex.
• The reputed availability of weapons of mass destruction greatly raised the risk on the threat posed by contemporary terrorists and the potential damage they can inflict. In the past, the major concern was about small arms; explosives, particularly Semtex or plastique; rocketpropelled grenades and an occasional shoulder-fired antiaircraft missile (Gavel 2002).

The planned use of liquid explosives in London to down airplanes is the latest addition to the growing list of terrorist tools.

Significant changes in the terrorists’ methods include the use of new technologies, the deployment of terrorists across international frontiers, and changes in the origins of support. Information technologies used by terrorists include the Internet, cellular phones, instant messaging, and real-time photographic and filming capabilities. Such capabilities have amplified the global reach of terrorist organizations. As but one example, hacking has been used. Internet sites have been placed under attack; Web sites have been hijacked or defaced; there are documented cases of denial of Internet service, automated e-mail bombings, and Web sitins. Management and administrative functions of terrorist organizations; coordinating operations; recruiting possible members; improving communications between members; attracting people sympathetic to the cause; collecting, managing, and transferring funds; and spreading the group’s message and philosophy have been greatly facilitated by the impressive technological advances in global information. This has facilitated the tasks of the terrorists and allowed them to expand the range of their activities. In particular, the synchronization of terrorist attacks, such as those of September 11, 2001, and those on various U.S. embassies in East Africa in 1998, was made possible by the use of contemporary information technology (Denning 2000).

Globalization and the establishment of regional trading zones such as the European Union, Mercosur, the North American Free Trade Area, and others have made it easier for terrorists to expand their activities across international borders, borders that seemingly no longer exist. Thus, terrorists recognize their efforts are less easily detected through the Internet. This has facilitated the territorial expansion of terrorist groups, assisted in the establishment of terrorist cells, and promoted free movement across vast regions of the world in the planning and execution of terrorist activities.

Technological innovations and the ease of financial operations worldwide have also assisted terrorists in expanding their operations. While Al-Qaeda is reputed to be one of the best-financed terrorist networks, it is reported that Aum Shinrikyo, Hamas, Hezbollah, the IRA (O’Day 1994), the Tamil Tigers, and others groups benefit from the vast network of funding sources. These sources may include legal enterprises such as nonprofit and charitable organizations, legitimate companies, and illegal enterprises such as drug production, trafficking, smuggling, bank robberies, fraud, kidnappings, and extortion. Web sites have also been used to raise funds (Center for Strategic and International Studies 1998).

The smooth movement of terrorists’ financial resources is illustrated by the reported movement of gold and U.S. currency across the border between Afghanistan and Pakistan. Once the gold and currency arrived in Pakistan, they were swiftly transferred to the informal hawala or hundi banking system to other Middle Eastern countries. There it was converted into gold bullion and dispersed around the world. Additionally, terrorist funds have been converted into other commodities such as diamonds and tanzanite. In general, terrorist groups, whose assets may be a small fraction of the total amount of funds moved daily by organized transnational crime groups, use a variety of vehicles for the transfer of money, from couriers to banks, money changing enterprises, and informal exchanges such as the hawala or hundi systems (Viano 2003).

Samuel Huntington (1996) outlined a theory of conflict for the twenty-first century, stating that particular types of conflict are known to dominate different historical periods. After the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, the United States is the world’s only superpower. The struggles that may threaten world peace will no longer focus on nationalism or ideology. Rather, most conflicts result from cultural confrontations that threaten to spread violence; one such cultural conflict is religion. In Huntington’s view, international peace will be especially threatened in “torn countries,” where more than one sociocultural orientation exists. The Balkans, where violent ethnic and religious strife and ethnic cleansing took place in the 1990s, represents but one example of Huntington’s thesis in which religion and terrorism are linked.

According to Huntington’s thesis, terrorism will probably continue to find supporters among violent, true believers in areas of conflict. The implications for the United States seem clear: First, it will be targeted by religious zealots from different cultural backgrounds because they believe that the United States has wrongly intervened and violated their religious norms. Western Europe and Japan may be targeted as well. Second, since the United States routinely is open to immigration there is a growing potential for religious strife. While the United States is not a “torn” country, it does provide a fertile field for zealots of different religions who want to change or punish America with violence and for right-wing extremists who violently object to the increasing diversity of the country and forcefully oppose those who tolerate it and the government that makes it possible. The 1995 Oklahoma City bombing is a clear example of the latter.

Bruce Hoffman (1998) and Walter Laqueur (1996, 1997, 2000) state that we are not only witnessing a resurgence and expansion of terrorist groups motivated by religion, but the situation is made even more difficult by the fact that religious terrorists behave differently than ethnic and nationalistic terrorists. The reason is that they are not constrained by the same factors that may inhibit other types of terrorists. In Hoffman’s view, religious terrorists differ from political terrorists in many ways. Holy terror represents a value system that is opposite to “secular terror,” secular terrorists function within the dominant political and cultural reality that they to replace with their own. Religious or “holy” terrorists are under no such constraint. Although fundamentalist and violent extremists may be attracted to any religion (Sargent 1995), for holy terrorists the world is a battlefield between the forces of good and evil, light and darkness. Winning is not understood in political terms. Rather, the enemy must be completely destroyed and, for this reason, killing is the outcome of an operation. For holy terrorists, killing is a sacramental act; the goal of their operation. For Islamic terrorism, the purpose of terrorism is to kill the enemies of God or to convert them to Islam (Rapoport 1988).

The current threat posed by terrorism is the product of the collision of different elements: maximum Western power, particularly that of the United States; globalization, driven mostly by Western interests; and the fundamentalist reaction to these trends affecting centuries-old ways of life in different parts of the world (Barber 1996). The root causes of and the growth of religious terrorism can be located in the declining influence of traditional forms of social and cultural cohesion within societies. The impact of globalization, political repression, economic disparity, and social change enhance the sense of fragility, instability, and unpredictability that exists throughout various parts of the world. Presently, the scale, amount, and intensity of religious terrorism, rather unprecedented in militancy and activity, indicate the depth of perception that those particular faiths and the communities linked to them stand at a critical survival juncture and that extreme measures must be taken to ensure that they continue to exist.

The perceived corruption of indigenous customs, religions, languages, economies, and entertainment are blamed on an international system that is frequently associated with American culture and values. The resulting distortions in local communities that result from being exposed to the global marketplace of ideas, goods, and values are more frequently blamed on the U.S.-led modernization. Christopher Coker (2002) aptly observes that while globalization is reducing the propensity for instrumental violence between states and communities, it is increasing the incentives for expressive violence or violence that is ritualistic, symbolic, and communicative. The current international terrorism is more frequently rooted in a need to assert identity or meaning against the advancing forces of homogeneity, particularly on the part of those cultures that are threatened by or are left behind by the secular atmosphere created by Western-led globalization.

According to a report published by the United Nations Development Program, one of the regions with the biggest deficit in terms of human development—the Arab world— is also the epicenter of the world’s most intense religiondriven terrorism. There is discontent in disenfranchised areas of the region of the world where the belief exists that the promises of globalization that include greater freedom, economic prosperity, and access to education, training, and knowledge are unfulfilled. As a result, there are dashed expectations, increasing resentment toward the hegemonic and often corrupt governments supported by the United States, and a desire to strike at the forces of modernization and globalization. There is also a desire to change the course of U.S. policy in the Middle East and Persian Gulf, particularly as it affects the Israel-Palestinian conflict. Given the enormous military power of the United States, the preferred course of action is not direct confrontation but the asymmetrical response that is terrorism.

The United States is a preferred target because of its involvement in the politics and conflicts of various regions of the world and because it is perceived to be the primary force behind globalization. Thus, today it is not possible to analyze terrorism without taking into consideration globalization. Both are tightly interwoven forces that affect and characterize global security in the twenty-first century. The main concern is whether or not terrorism will be able to disrupt the promise of a better life for millions of people.

Thus, one could say that terrorism is a by-product of larger historical shifts in the worldwide distribution of power and economic, military, political, ideological, and cultural resources. Assuming that current trends will continue, global disparities and inequalities will also continue to grow. Thus, we can anticipate that terrorism will not only continue to exist but will grow and expand. At the same time, terrorists will have continued access to more powerful technologies, increased territory and more targets, enhanced recruiting techniques, and more exploitable sources of discontent and rage than before (Laqueur 2004).

A serious problem is that the response of the West to terrorism is inadequate, superficial, and unlikely to dampen or mitigate any of the long-term trends already mentioned above. The benign intentions of the mostly and increasingly secular West do not necessarily appear benign to those who are marginalized by globalization. To frustrated people in the Arab and Muslim world and elsewhere, the strict following of fundamentalist religious doctrines and practices appear to be a rational response to the perceived threat when their own governments offer no alternative solution. The reality is that small groups of dedicated terrorists could not survive and operate for any extended period of time without the widespread support of the larger population. Any effective interventions by the West would begin at and focus on the broader, enabling environment that must be studied and understood (Kupperman 1985; Kupperman and Trent 1979).

Moreover, a panoply of long-term policy instruments should be used to address the international environment that makes it possible for terrorist networks to remain formidable organizations (Howard 2002). There is no question that the more effective policy tools are probably nonmilitary in nature such as intelligence, public diplomacy, cooperation with allies, updated international conventions and treaties, reforms leading to genuine democratization, and economic assistance (Burton 1976; Campbell 1988; Cobban 1984).

Religious beliefs are a useful, powerful, and ready-made source for justifying terrorism because beliefs sanctify the terrorist and deify the terrorism. Religious terrorism employs theological issues to justify violence and terror. Thus, terrorists are not subject to social limitations relating to violence and killing is justified given those being killed are enemies of their deity. To be “deified” means that the act of terrorism itself is made sacred and holy. The religious terrorists are mortals who are on a mission from God (Kibble 1996).

There is yet another difference between secular and religious terrorists. Political terrorism is also the theater aimed at influencing a wider audience to spread a message and obtain support. Thus, targets must be carefully chosen and there are some limits to what one can do. On the other hand, religious terrorists work only for their god. Thus, they need no wider audience or social approval. Juergensmeyer (1992, 1999) describes the conditions that must exist for terrorists to reach these conclusions: Believers must identify with a god and believe they are participating in a struggle to change the course of history by addressing good and evil. True-believing terrorists actually mimic and exaggerate mainstream social patterns and beliefs. They use the established social paths and models of religion and ideology to justify their actions (Oliverio 1998; Pearlestein 1991).

Fundamentalist terrorism in the twenty-first century exists mostly in the Middle East and/or in Islamic countries. The roots of terrorism in the Middle East are complex but can be reduced to four major areas: (1) questions on the political control of Palestine or the IsraeliPalestinian conflict (Nusse 1998); (2) who should rule the Arab world or intra-Arab rivalries and struggles; (3) the relations between the two main branches of Islam, Sunnis, and Shiites; and (4) how to eliminate and expel Western colonialism and imperialism and once again create a panArab “Caliphate” or realm of Islam.

Terrorism originating in this area is especially driven by anti-Western feelings because of the historical colonial domination and exploitation of the region. France and especially Great Britain dominated the region or attempted to for centuries. The Soviet Union also made forays attempting to gain a warm water port and counteract the other two colonial countries’influence. The United States has also played an increasingly dominant role in the region linked to the exploitation of its energy resources and at times in direct or indirect confrontation with the other Western colonial powers and the Soviets. The rejection of Western influence is connected with the colonial experience and also with the deeply held feeling that this entire region should be an exclusive Islamic realm. The presence of foreign troops in Saudi Arabia and elsewhere in the region is perceived as colonialism, sacrilegious, and as a modern version of the medieval crusades. The ideology of Al Qaeda and of other groups inspired or associated with it stresses both themes—anticolonialism or “anticrusaders” and the reestablishment of the Caliphate—as a justification for their terrorist activities (Gurr 1993; Hoffman 1998; Howard and Sawyer 2003, 2004; Johnson 1997). The terrorist is fundamentally an altruist who believes he is serving a good cause. The terrorist is basically a violent intellectual ready and committed to use force in the realization of his goals (Perdue 1989).

After September 11, 2001, interest and research in terrorism has grown exponentially. One such area of inquiry addresses the mind-set of the terrorists and the tactics they employ in their quest for power and, ultimately, political and social change. Although terrorists bank on the efficacy of violence in achieving change, their actions are not random, crazed, or capricious acts as politicians maintain they are. On the contrary, these actions are carefully planned and conservatively executed. Innocent and harmless people get caught in the middle just as they are in acts of war. Both the military and the terrorists claim that they are performing carefully targeted acts—“precision bombing” in U.S. military parlance. Recently, there have been increases in the use of violence. Possibly due to the “CNN effect” or the need to attract worldwide media coverage for maximum impact, terrorists have been engaging in more dramatic and destructively lethal deeds to garner the same amount of attention that a less violent and bloody action would have obtained in the past, looking for recognition and publicity. In a world saturated with violence and aggression by the media, entertainment, movies, video games, and sports such as football, hockey, boxing, terrorists seem to have understood that to hold a jaded public’s attention they must increase the level and drama of their actions (Miller 1982).

Another element that is affecting terrorism’s organizational and operational dynamics is the Internet. The rise and expansion of network forms of organization is a central outcome of the continuing information revolution. The speed of communications, the facility of sharing and diffusing information, and the ease and instantaneity of transferring funds worldwide have changed contemporary life, including terrorism’s conduct and modes of operation.

This permits the creation of organizations with multiple, dispersed leaders and private sources of funding. The reasons, motives, and rationales of the terrorists may not have changed but their modus operandi certainly has. What the information and Internet age have made possible are flatter, less hierarchical, very flexible, and localized structures and networks of power with centripetal dynamics fueled by intense and easy communications and exchanges (Picard 1993).

Terrorism is evolving. Terrorists’ shift toward less hierarchical organizational structures and their growing use of advanced communications technologies for command, control, and coordination will further empower small terrorist groups and even individuals. While most of the governmental efforts and public concern, anxiety, and attention are focused on preventing and foiling traditional violent terrorist acts, the next 9/11 might very well be an act of cyberterrorism or massive netwar, disabling regional, national, or even international computer-driven systems that control practically every aspect of our lives (Whine 1999). The content of information and the conduits of information infrastructures very likely will become the new targets. In this area, the destructive power of terrorism will be exponentially greater than it has been in the past, even if it had been able to use “weapons of mass destruction.” It is also true, of course, that the frequency and extent to which terrorist organizations use information infrastructures to carry out their activities may eventually make them vulnerable to detection and destruction by counterterrorist entities (Rubin 1991).

The widespread uncertainty of the forces of globalization and the search for a new world order create a fertile ground for the creation and development of religious terrorist groups, with religious conviction functioning as a firm anchor. These groups perceive an opportunity to shape history and the world in line with their divine duty, cause, and mission. It is essential that we understand the inner logic of these groups and the dynamics that produce terrorism. As we progress further into the twenty-first century, it is doubtful that the United States and other Western governments are adequately prepared to meet this challenge (Juergensmeyer 1999). Thus, the need exists for further research in areas such as nationalistic and ethnic terrorism, technological terrorism and weapons of mass destruction, changing group structures and the metamorphosis of terrorism, the origins of terrorism in the Middle East, and the role of the media (Zanni 1999).

Future public policy concerns include counterterrorist measures and the impact such policy will have on democratic society. The passage and reauthorization of the Patriot Act is a clear indication that in the future a democratic government will respond to a real or perceived terrorist threat by introducing measures that greatly limit civil and political liberties. In the wake of 9/11, population movement control, transportation security, the protection of infrastructures deemed vital, the introduction of a system of threat warnings, and immigration and border control measures were quickly introduced. The de facto adoption of a national identity card, in the form of a federally standardized driver’s license, was approved. Moreover, the federal government has engaged in widespread detention and interrogation; introduced new surveillance tools, instituted new financial regulations, controls, and rewards; modified the administration of the justice system; and promoted greater information sharing among law enforcement and intelligence agencies. The public desire for a completely risk-free life and society in a world dominated by science and technology, which promise and deliver a constantly increased control of daily life and death situations, provided vast popular support for this approach (Labeviere 2000). However popular the international war on terrorism is, the civil and human rights of citizens and noncitizens alike were reduced and at times violated in the process. This is a fertile field for investigation, analysis, inquiry, and affirmation of democratic values for the social scientist (Merari 1985).

The lack of a comprehensive strategy to address terrorism based on a deep-rooted, well-grounded comprehension of the history, patterns, motivations, and types of terrorism reflects the lack of understanding of terrorism in the academic community. Some academics consider terrorism a too policy-oriented area to be worthy of serious research. Since terrorism is a miltidisciplinary topic it depends on the interaction and collaboration of a number of disciplines. In the United States, most of the analyses on terrorism are being conducted in policy-oriented research institutes, which are often narrowly defined to fit the interests and time frame attendant to government-supported contracts.

The academy, on the other hand, is no more strategically oriented, visionary, and creative than the government. There is an urgent need for multidisciplinary collaboration that also includes law enforcement, intelligence, and finance. What is most needed is a concerted effort to move beyond the episodic interest in this phenomenon and instead develop, plan, and fund a long-term research and policy development agenda. Sociologists and in particular political sociologists can have a major role to play in researching the impact of antiterrorism measures and exposing whatever threats are posed to democracy, human freedom, and individual rights. And sociologists who focus on mass movements, group-think, mob reactions, and race and ethnic relations also have much to offer to a society in need of such information.

Additionally, the repercussions of the “war on terrorism” on international human rights and humanitarian laws provide a fertile ground for research and analysis for the sociologist of law. The creation of the “enemy combatant” label to facilitate weakening of the Geneva Conventions on the treatment of prisoners of war and the alleged mistreatment and torture of prisoners held at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, the Bagram base in Afghanistan, and Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq, among others, serve as important sociological reminders of the effects culture and civil society have on human nature and the aggressive and violent instincts of Homo sapiens.

There is no question that social scientists have a major contribution to make to the analysis, understanding, prevention, and policymaking relative to terrorism. But within sociology it will also be important, given the political nature of actions identified as terrorist, that the sociologist be vigilant, adhere to professional standards, and maintain an independence of thought, analysis, and vision. In the future, the discipline may again be confronted with issues relating to Howard Becker’s question and critical challenge of the past, “Sociology for whom?”

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