Scotland has long been a nation within a wider state, but only within the last four decades has a political party dedicated to the establishment of a Scottish state emerged as an electoral force. Yet, since that time the political landscape within the United Kingdom has changed rapidly. While some see devolution as a step towards the separation of Scotland from the United Kingdom, others argue it is a strengthening of that relationship.
This thesis argues that only by acknowledging the ethnic and mass influences on the nature of Scottish national identity will an understanding of Scottish nationalism be possible. After considering the theoretical arguments surrounding nationalism, and specifically Scottish nationalism, the work shifts to an empirical analysis of Scotland. To examine the nature of Scottish nationalism and national identity, this research considers the manifestos of the political parties over the past thirty-five years, examining how they have employed a sense of Scotland the nation, and Scottishness. This consideration is then linked to an analysis of mass perceptions of national belonging and identity, which are themselves contrasted with elite perceptions, gleaned through interviews conducted amongst MPs and MSPs.
The results indicate the need to recognise that ethnic aspects of Scottish national identity are more significant than the foremost theoretical considerations of nationalism and national identity allow. Furthermore, this case study illustrates that the impact that mass perceptions have on national identity also requires greater recognition within the field.
Item Type: | Thesis (PhD) | |
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Qualification Level: | Doctoral | |
Subjects: | > | |
Colleges/Schools: | > > | |
Supervisor's Name: | Girvin, Prof. Brian | |
Date of Award: | 2006 | |
Depositing User: | ||
Unique ID: | glathesis:2006-2924 | |
Copyright: | Copyright of this thesis is held by the author. | |
Date Deposited: | 12 Oct 2011 | |
Last Modified: | 10 Dec 2012 14:02 | |
URI: |
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The Political Science doctoral program provides in-depth knowledge and advanced research skills, preparing you for leadership positions in academia, research institutions and public service. With a dedicated faculty and a supportive community of scholars, you'll have access to opportunities for cutting-edge research and professional development.
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Broadly but not exclusively focused on the dynamics surrounding representation, equity, conflict, rights, and conflict resolution, the graduate program at Kent State allows candidates to study important and timely questions under well-established scholars. Our focus on methodological skill, sophisticated research design, and faculty mentoring enables PhD candidates to develop their own research questions in a theoretically and empirically grounded manner. Our program enjoys an impressive completion rate, and our PhD recipients place well .
Many of our Ph.D. students receive funding to support their study. Funding is competitive and only granted to students with exemplary academic records. Support is generally continued for four years, and currently includes a nine-month stipend, tuition remission, and a subsidized health insurance plan. Funded students serve as Graduate Assistants (either assisting with research or teaching) throughout the academic year. In some cases, students may receive financial support to complete their dissertations in the fifth year.
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The Ph.D. degree in Political Science prepares students for research and teaching careers in higher education and for research-based careers in fields that are focused on political, economic and social issues. The degree program is broadly focused on the dynamics surrounding representation, equity, conflict, human rights, development and conflict resolution. Students develop their own research questions in an interdisciplinary and theoretically sophisticated way. Students work with faculty mentors throughout their degree program and often develop and present their own research at regional or national conferences.
The Political Science major comprises the following concentrations, from which students select two:
For more information about graduate admissions, visit the graduate admission website . For more information on international admissions, visit the international admission website .
International applicants who do not meet the above test scores will not be considered for admission.
Graduates of this program will be able to:
Graduation requirements, major requirements.
Code | Title | Credit Hours |
---|---|---|
Major Requirements | ||
POL 70002 | SCOPE AND EPISTEMOLOGY | 3 |
POL 70003 | QUANTITATIVE METHODS I | 3 |
POL 70004 | QUANTITATIVE METHODS II | 3 |
POL 70010 | QUALITATIVE RESEARCH METHODS | 3 |
POL 71094 | COLLEGE TEACHING IN POLITICAL SCIENCE | 1 |
Additional Approved Electives for Post-Baccalaureate Students | 0-23 | |
Advanced Research Methods, choose from the following: | 3 | |
PROGRAM EVALUATION I | ||
SEMINAR IN QUANTITATIVE METHODS | ||
ADVANCED QUALITATIVE RESEARCH IN EDUCATIONAL SERVICES | ||
QUALITATIVE DATA ANALYSIS | ||
ADVANCED QUALITATIVE METHODS IN SOCIOLOGY | ||
Culminating Requirement | ||
POL 81199 | DISSERTATION I | 30 |
Concentrations | ||
Choose two from the following: | 21 | |
Minimum Total Credit Hours for Post-Baccalaureate Students | 90 | |
Minimum Total Credit Hours for Post-Master's Students | 67 |
Dissertation is required. Doctoral students must complete additional approved electives, including research, to reach a minimum of 30 credit hours post-master's (or equivalent advanced degree) or a minimum of 60 credit hours post-bachelor's prior to enrolling in POL 81199 . Upon completion of course requirements and candidacy exams, doctoral students must register for POL 81199 for two semesters for a total of 30 credit hours, and thereafter POL 81299 , until all requirements for the degree have been met.
Students select two concentrations. For the first concentration, students complete one Proseminar or Status of the Field course and three elective courses (12 credit hours). For the second concentration, students complete one Proseminar or Status of the Field course and two elective courses (9 credit hours).
Code | Title | Credit Hours |
---|---|---|
Concentration Requirements | ||
POL 70101 | STATUS OF THE FIELD: AMERICAN POLITICS AND POLICY | 3 |
Concentration Electives, choose from the following: | 6-9 | |
AMERICAN POLICY PROCESS | ||
CONGRESS, THE PRESIDENCY AND THE COURTS | ||
URBAN POLICY AND POLITICS | ||
AMERICAN POLITICAL BEHAVIOR | ||
SEMINAR IN AMERICAN POLITICS AND POLICY | ||
Minimum Total Credit Hours: | 9-12 |
Code | Title | Credit Hours |
---|---|---|
Concentration Requirements | ||
POL 70901 | FOUNDATIONS OF CONFLICT ANALYSIS AND MANAGEMENT | 3 |
Concentration Electives, choose from the following: | 6-9 | |
CONFLICT TRANSFORMATION AND RECONCILIATION | ||
POWER, CONFLICT AND THE POLITICS OF GENDER | ||
IDENTITY DRIVEN CONFLICTS | ||
SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND NONVIOLENT CONFLICTS | ||
POLITICAL VIOLENCE | ||
TERRORISM AND HUMAN RIGHTS | ||
SEMINAR IN CONFLICT ANALYSIS AND MANAGEMENT | ||
Minimum Total Credit Hours: | 9-12 |
Code | Title | Credit Hours |
---|---|---|
Concentration Requirements | ||
POL 70501 | STATUS OF THE FIELD: TRANSNATIONAL AND COMPARATIVE POLITICS AND POLICY | 3 |
Concentration Electives, choose from the following: | 6-9 | |
GLOBAL GOVERNANCE | ||
FOREIGN POLICY ANALYSIS | ||
POLITICS OF DEVELOPMENT | ||
STRATEGIC PLANNING | ||
SEMINAR IN TRANSNATIONAL AND COMPARATIVE POLITICS AND POLICY | ||
Minimum Total Credit Hours: | 9-12 |
Minimum Major GPA | Minimum Overall GPA |
---|---|
- | 3.000 |
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U.S. President Joe Biden vowed to stay in the 2024 presidential race during a call with campaign staff on Wednesday and sought to reassure top Democrats on Capitol Hill that he is fit for reelection despite his shaky debate performance last week.
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At the core of Raymond Wang’s work lies a seemingly simple question: Can’t we just get along?
Wang, a fifth-year political science graduate student, is a native of Hong Kong who witnessed firsthand the shakeup and conflict engendered by China’s takeover of the former British colony. “That type of experience makes you wonder why things are so complicated,” he says. “Why is it so hard to live with your neighbors?”
Today, Wang is focused on ways of managing a rapidly intensifying U.S.-China competition, and more broadly, on identifying how China — and other emerging global powers — bend, break, or creatively accommodate international rules in trade, finance, maritime, and arms control matters to achieve their ends.
The current game for global dominance between the United States and China continually threatens to erupt into dangerous confrontation. Wang’s research aims to construct a more nuanced take on China’s behaviors in this game.
“U.S. policy towards China should be informed by a better understanding of China’s behaviors if we are to avoid the worst-case scenario,” Wang believes.
“Selective and smart”
One of Wang’s major research thrusts is the ongoing trade war between the two nations. “The U.S. views China as rewriting the rules, creating an alternative world order — and accuses China of violating World Trade Organization (WTO) rules,” says Wang. “But in fact, China has been very selective and smart about responding to these rules.”
One critical, and controversial, WTO matter involves determining whether state-owned enterprises are, in the arcane vocabulary of the group, “public bodies,” which are subject to sometimes punitive WTO rules. The United States asserts that if a government owns 51 percent of a company, it is a public body. This means that many essential Chinese state-owned enterprises (SOEs) — manufacturers of electric vehicles, steel, or chemicals, for example — would fall under WTO provisions, and potentially face punitive discipline.
But China isn’t the only nation with SOEs. Many European countries, including stalwart U.S. partners France and Norway, subsidize companies that qualify as public bodies according to the U.S. definition. They, too, could be subject to tough WTO regulations.
“This could harm a swathe of the E.U. economy,” says Wang. “So China intelligently made the case to the international community that the U.S. position is extreme, and has pushed for a more favorable interpretation through litigation at the WTO.”
For Wang, this example highlights a key insight of his research: “Rising powers such as China exhibit cautious opportunism,” he says. “China will try to work with the existing rules as much as possible, including bending them in creative ways.”
But when it comes down to it, Wang argues, China would rather avoid the costs of building something completely new.
“If you can repurpose an old tool, why would you buy a new one?” he asks. “The vast majority of actions China is taking involves reshaping the existing order, not introducing new rules or blowing up institutions and building new ones.”
Interviewing key players
To bolster his theory of “cautious opportunism,” Wang’s doctoral project sets out a suite of rule-shaping strategies adopted by rising powers in international organizations. His analysis is driven by case studies of disputes recently concluded, or ongoing, in the WTO, the World Bank, and other bodies responsible for defining and policing rules that govern all manner of international relations and commerce.
Gathering evidence for his argument, Wang has been interviewing people critical to the disputes on all sides.
“My approach is to figure out who was in the room when certain decisions were made and talk to every single person there,” he says. “For the WTO and World Bank, I’ve interviewed close to 50 relevant personnel, including front-line lawyers, senior leadership, and former government officials.” These interviews took place in Geneva, Singapore, Tokyo, and Washington.
But writing about disputes that involve China poses a unique set of problems. “It’s difficult to talk to actively serving Chinese officials, and in general, nobody wants to go on the record because all the content is sensitive.” As Wang moves on to cases in maritime governance, he will be reaching out to the key players involved in managing sensitive conflicts in the South China Sea, an Indo-Pacific region dotted with shoals and offering desirable fisheries as well as oil and gas resources.
Even here, Wang suggests, China may find reason to be cautious rather than opportunistic, preferring to carve out exemptions for itself or shift interpretations, rather than overturning the existing rules wholesale.
Indeed, Wang believes China and other rising powers introduce new rules only when conditions open up a window of opportunity: “It may be worth doing so when using traditional tools doesn’t get you what you want, if your competitors are unable or unwilling to counter mobilize against you, and you see that the costs of establishing these new rules are worth it,” he says.
Beyond Wang’s dissertation, he has also been part of a research team led by M. Taylor Fravel, Arthur and Ruth Sloan Professor of Political Science, that has published papers on China’s Belt and Road Initiative.
From friends to enemies
Wang left Hong Kong and its political ferment behind at age 15, but the challenge of dealing with a powerful neighbor and the potential crisis it represented stayed with him. In Italy, he attended a United World College — part of a network of schools bringing together young people from different nations and cultures for the purpose of training leaders and peacemakers.
“It’s a utopian idea, where you force teenagers from all around the world to live and study together and get along for two years,” says Wang. “There were people from countries in the Balkans that were actively at war with each other, who grew up with the memory of air raid sirens and family members who fought each other, but these kids would just hang out together.”
Coexistence was possible on the individual level, Wang realized, but he wondered, “What systemic thing happens that makes people do messed-up stuff to each other when they are in a group?”
With this question in mind, he went to the University of St. Andrews for his undergraduate and master’s degrees in international relations and modern history. As China continued its economic and military march onto the world stage, and Iran generated international tensions over its nuclear ambitions, Wang became interested in nuclear disarmament. He drilled down into the subject at the Middlebury Institute of International Studies at Monterey, where he earned a second master’s degree in nonproliferation and terrorism studies.
Leaning into a career revolving around policy, he applied to MIT’s security studies doctoral program, hoping to focus on the impact of emerging technologies on strategic nuclear stability. But events in the world led him to pivot. “When I started in the fall of 2019, the U.S.-China relationship was going off the rails with the trade war,” he says. “It was clear that managing the relationship would be one of the biggest foreign policy challenges for the foreseeable future, and I wanted to do research that would help ensure that the relationship wouldn’t tip into a nuclear war.”
Cooling tensions
Wang has no illusions about the difficulty of containing tensions between a superpower eager to assert its role in the world order, and one determined to hold onto its primacy. His goal is to make the competition more transparent, and if possible, less overtly threatening. He is preparing a paper, “Guns and Butter: Measuring Spillover and Implications for Technological Competition,” that outlines the different paths taken by the United States and China in developing defense-related technology that also benefits the civilian economy.
As he wades into the final phase of his thesis and contemplates his next steps, Wang hopes that his research insights might inform policymakers, especially in the United States, in their approach to China. While there is a fiercely competitive relationship, “there is still room for diplomacy,” he believes. “If you accept my theory that a rising power will try and use, or even abuse, existing rules as much as possible, then you need non-military — State Department — boots on the ground to monitor what is going on at all the international institutions,” he says. The more information and understanding the United States has of China’s behavior, the more likely it will be able “to cool down some of the tensions,” says Wang. “We need to develop a strategic empathy.”
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In recent years, several incidents have occurred at major football events where authorities have been heavily criticised by the general public, the media, academics and supporters for breaching the rights of football fans.
The 2022 Champions League Final in Paris is the most high-profile example, where Liverpool fans experienced difficulties travelling to the stadium, encountered crushing as they waited to get in and were subjected to tear gas fired by police.
Following reviews of the incident, initial criticism of supporters was replaced by complaints about the behaviour of police and stadium security, refocusing attention on the human rights of football fans.
Football authorities have since been forced to respond to pressure from advocacy groups such as the Sport and Rights Alliance and Football Supporters Europe . Uefa is the first football federation to include clauses related to human rights as part of its bidding process for Euro 2024 , including requirements that potential hosts must “ "proactively address human rights risks” .
Uefa, alongside the German Football Association – Deutscher Fussball Bund (DFB) – and the Euro 2024 GmbH (a joint venture of Uefa and DFB) published their human rights declaration for the Euro 2024 tournament in November 2023. In it, Uefa and partners state that: “We all commit to jointly contribute to a tournament that highlights democracy, respect, equity and the promotion and protection of human rights.”
Crucially, the declaration reiterates the responsibility of government and event organisers to respect human rights throughout their tournament. This responsibility means identifying, preventing, and reducing actual or potential negative effects on fans, and reducing the likelihood of abuse. A range of other practical measures have been put in place at Euro 2024 to help uphold and protect human rights at the tournament.
One example is the stated role of the police at the Euros. This aims to ensure public safety and security while maintaining a tolerant, open approach. However, clearly a tension emerges here in that organisers have to balance protecting the rights of supporters with the security and policing concerns of large-scale football events.
Academic research on football fandom and fan cultures has often centred on incidences of violence and hooliganism. Therefore, the need to protect the public from the “threat” of football supporters has typically taken prominence over the need to protect the rights of fans themselves.
Significant media attention on football tournaments can perpetrate negative perceptions associated with football fans. While media stereotyping is commonplace, the nature of policing cultures can reproduce similar shared assumptions about football supporters as drunken, violent and dangerous.
Of course, there have been many incidents of football fans engaging in disorderly behaviour at major football tournaments, including the clash between fans before the opening England Euro 2024 match against Serbia. But there has been an overemphasis on criminalising football fans, leading to police being involved in direct clashes with supporters .
High-profile incidents and the response to them has influenced how football fans are policed, with implications for the spaces designed to host and manage them. Football supporters are considered, paradoxically, both potential criminals and valuable consumers and this has resulted in the creation of dedicated spaces to contain them.
Beyond the extensive security of football stadia, other spaces have been developed by tournament organisers and their host city partners to address the paradoxical representations of football supporters: such as the fan zone. These were first introduced at the 2004 European Championships in Portugal before being popularised at the World Cup 2006 in Germany and have been part of almost every football tournament since.
Uefa, like Fifa, has a contractual requirement to include these “football festivals” in their hosting agreements. Fan zones are secondary venues, welcoming ticketless supporters who can be managed – whether through formal policing, security, or stewarding – to deal with the perceived threat of anti-social behaviour. Promoted as festival settings, they construct and legitimise attempts to control fan behaviour through “soft” measures that restrict mobility and allow for careful monitoring.
Fan zones provide a space for fans to consume food and drink, watch matches and participate in sponsor activities in a safe environment. However, these spaces also embody a dual mission of governing and managing “problematic” fans groups while making money from them. For organisers, fan zones represent a safe way of managing ticketless fans and generating positive media stories for host cities and nations.
They work on the basis of a precautionary logic, building in the management of security and potential risk in festival spaces. At Euro 2024 they are also being used to promote pro-social messages about the importance of fan safety, security, accessibility and inclusion both in their venue design and the United by Football content shared on their big screens.
Record numbers of football fans have made the journey to Germany this summer from the UK, and beyond. Pre-tournament media coverage emphasised the potential threats awaiting fans from terrorism, excessive drinking and breaking German public-order laws.
Our ongoing research into the protection of fans’ human rights at Euro 2024 has shown that fan zones play an important role in managing the mobility of visiting football fans, providing them with safe and secure spaces to enjoy the tournament while also generating revenue for Uefa and its sponsor partners.
However, evidence of crowd congestion, transport chaos and difficulties in accessing basic amenities within the Munich fan zone for the tournament’s opening match suggests that there remains work to be done to ensure the tournament’s lofty rhetoric about protecting the human rights of supporters will be realised.
Shocking poll result for Scottish Tories as SNP and Labour neck and neck in general election race
Poll puts SNP ahead of Labour on eve of election as battle becomes 'significantly closer'
King Charles and Queen Camilla will be taking part in a series of events in Scotland, including a celebration of the 900th anniversary of the city of Edinburgh, as they host Royal Week from their official residence at the Palace of Holyroodhouse
Author Sir Alexander McCall Smith has said his knighthood is a “wonderful thing” and that his famous fictional detective Mma Precious Ramotswe would be “very happy” for him after being honoured by the King.
The writer of The No. 1 Ladies’ Detective Agency series was knighted for services to literature, academia and charity at an investiture ceremony at the Palace of Holyroodhouse in Edinburgh earlier today.
The author, an emeritus professor of medical law at the University of Edinburgh, is also known for series including the 44 Scotland Street novels, the Isabel Dalhousie collection, and the von Igelfeld books.
Speaking after the ceremony, he said: “It’s a wonderful thing, I’m most grateful, it’s a very nice thing to happen so I’m very pleased, but of course obviously behind it there are all sorts of other people who have made it happen so I think of them.”
Asked what Mma Ramotswe would think about the knighthood, he said: “Well I think Mma Ramotswe would be very pleased, she likes jewellery and decorations and she’d say that’s rather a nice badge you’ve got there, so she would be very happy I think, it’s been a long journey I’ve had with her, conversation over many years.
“I wish she could be with us today but she’s entirely fictional.”
Sir Alexander enjoyed speaking to the King and said: “The King is marvellous, he’s an example to all of us, he does all these things and does them so beautifully in such a friendly fashion.”
Others to be honoured on Tuesday, after being named in the King’s New Year Honours, include Paul Mealor, professor of composition at the University of Aberdeen.
He became a Lieutenant of the Royal Victorian Order – a gift given by the King to people who have served him or the monarchy in a personal way.
Prof Mealor composed Coronation Kyrie for the King’s coronation last year and has composed music for other royal occasions over the past decade, including the wedding of the Prince and Princess of Wales in 2011, and Charles’s 65th, 70th and 75th birthdays.
He also composed music for the Honours of Scotland service which was held at St Giles’ Cathedral in Edinburgh last summer to mark the coronation.
Others honoured included Professor Sir Jim McDonald, principal of the University of Strathclyde, who was appointed Knight Grand Cross of the Order of the British Empire for services to engineering, education and energy.
Liz Smith, a former Scotland cricketer who is now a Conservative MSP, became a CBE for services to sport.
Members of the emergency services were also among the more than 50 people honoured on Tuesday.
They included Police Scotland Chief Superintendent Faroque Hussain, who received the King’s Police Medal.
Mr Hussain, from Largs, North Ayrshire, is the first ethnic minority police officer to progress through the ranks from constable to the post of chief superintendent.
Retired chief superintendent Carol McGuire, from Symington in South Ayrshire, and Police constable Stephanie Rose, from Denny near Falkirk, also received the King’s Police Medal.
New pictures have emerged of King Charles’ Ceremony of the Keys in Holyrood.
The King walked past the Guard of Honour, speaking to some of the servicemen, before touching keys laid on a red velvet cushion.
It is far removed from the typical Edinburgh visitor’s key pick up from a lock box outside of their AirBnB.
Today, King Charles began his official stay in Scotland by receiving the keys to the City of Edinburgh.
The King took part in the Ceremony of the Keys in the garden of the Palace of Holyroodhouse, his official residence in the Scottish capital.
He was welcomed by the Lord Provost, City of Edinburgh councillor Robert Aldridge, who presented the keys on a red velvet cushion which Charles symbolically touched.
Mr Aldridge told the King, after he arrived by helicopter with the Queen: “We, the Lord Provost and members of the City of Edinburgh Council, welcome Your Majesty to the capital city of your ancient and hereditary kingdom of Scotland and offer for your gracious acceptance the keys of Your Majesty’s good City of Edinburgh.”
Charles gave the traditional reply: “I return these keys perfectly convinced that they cannot be placed in better hands than those of the Lord Provost and councillors of my good City of Edinburgh.”
Each year the monarch traditionally spends a week based at the Palace of Holyroodhouse, known as Holyrood Week or Royal Week in Scotland.
This year’s Holyrood Week is shorter then in previous years because the General Election has meant the royal family has postponed any engagements “which may appear to divert attention or distract from the election campaign”.
Before the ceremony, the palace’s garden was transformed into a parade ground, where the King met senior military and uniformed figures including Chief Constable of Police Scotland Jo Farrell, before receiving a royal salute and inspecting a Guard of Honour of soldiers from Balaklava Company, 5 Scots.
Also lined up were the Royal Company of Archers, who serve as the sovereign’s ceremonial bodyguard for Scotland – a role first created in 1822 for King George VI.
The Band of the Royal Regiment of Scotland and the Pipes and Drums of 2nd Battalion Royal Regiment of Scotland were on parade for the occasion.
The King walked past the Guard of Honour, casting his eye over the servicemen and stopping to talk to some of them, and he also chatted to members of the military bands.
Our heritage correspondent Alison Campsie has updated on King Charles’s plans for Wednesday:
The King will be joined by Queen Camilla, the Duke of Rothesay and The Duke and Duchess of Edinburgh at a service at St Giles’ Cathedral in Edinburgh to install two new members of the Order of the Thistle, Scotland’s oldest chivalric order.
The King's appearance will be among the first in Scotland since his cancer diagnosis was made public in February and comes as part of Royal Week in Scotland. The Duchess of Rothesay, who is also being treated for cancer, will not attend the service.
The King has personally selected Sir Geoff Palmer, human rights activist and educator on Scotland and slavery; forensic anthropologist Professor Baroness Black of Strome and lawyer and women’s rights campaigner Baroness Helena Kennedy of The Shaws to join the order.
The Most and Ancient and Most Noble Order of the Thistle recognises those who have contributed greatly to Scottish life through excellence in their professional life with medicine, law, academia, politics and business all represented among the order’s 16 knights and ladies.
The King also has the capacity to appoint Royal Knights to the order, with Queen Camilla and the Duke of Rothesay among them.
The order may have been founded by James III (1488 to 1513) who was responsible for changes in royal symbolism in Scotland, including the adoption of the thistle as the royal plant badge.
James VII (1633–1701) re-established the Order to reward Scottish peers who supported the king’s political and religious aims.
The motto of the order – Nemo me impune lacessit – was the motto of the Stuart dynasty in Scotland from at least the reign of James VI.
Author Sir Alexander McCall Smith is to be knighted at the Palace of Holyroodhouse in Edinburgh.
He will be given the honour for services to literature, academia and charity at an investiture ceremony later today.
The writer, creator of The No. 1 Ladies’ Detective Agency series, has written and contributed to more than 100 books including short story collections, children’s books and specialist academic titles.
The detective agency series, set in Botswana, has now sold more than 20 million copies in the English language alone.
Now 75, he was born in what was then known as Southern Rhodesia, now Zimbabwe, and made Edinburgh his home after studying there.
He conceived the idea of the Great Tapestry of Scotland, now housed in Galashiels.
He is also a patron of several charities including The Eric Liddell Community, a care charity and community hub in Edinburgh.
Others to be honoured today, after being named in the King’s New Year Honours, include Paul Mealor, professor of composition at the University of Aberdeen.
He will become a Lieutenant of the Royal Victorian Order (LVO) – a gift given by the King to people who have served him or the monarchy in a personal way.
Professor Sir Jim McDonald, principal of the University of Strathclyde, will be appointed to the most senior rank of the Order of the British Empire.
He was appointed Knight Grand Cross of the Order of the British Empire in the New Year Honours list, for services to engineering, education and energy.
Sir Jim became principal and vice-chancellor of the university in March 2009 following a long association with Strathclyde, studying his bachelor of science, masters and PhD degrees in the areas of electronic and electrical engineering, power systems and energy economics.
Liz Smith, a former Scotland cricketer who is now a Conservative MSP, will become a CBE for services to sport.
The Mid Scotland and Fife MSP won seven caps with the Scottish Ladies’ Cricket XI and is also a former president of the Scottish Women’s Cricket Association.
She no longer plays professionally but is still involved in the sport through coaching.
Members of the emergency services will also be honoured on Tuesday.
They include Police Scotland Chief Superintendent Faroque Hussain, who will receive the King’s Police Medal.
Mr Hussain, from Largs, is the first ethnic minority police officer to progress through the ranks from constable to the post of chief superintendent.
The tactical firearms commander won praise for his adept handling of the response to Operation Unicorn – where he was responsible for all firearms officers involved in the large-scale policing operation put in place following the death of the Queen in September 2022.
Retired chief superintendent Carol McGuire, from Symington, and Police Constable Stephanie Rose, from Denny, will receive the King’s Police Medal.
Ms McGuire joined Strathclyde Police in 1995 and retired in October last year.
During the course of her career she undertook a secondment to the football co-ordination unit Scotland, where she developed the country’s first national strategy for the policing of football.
Pc Rose developed the Keep Safe initiative in partnership with I Am Me Scotland, which was piloted in Renfrewshire in 2014 before becoming a national programme in 2015.
The initiative creates a network of local businesses to establish Keep Safe places for disabled, vulnerable and elderly people to go if they feel lost, confused, scared or intimidated, or have been the victim of a crime.
King Charles and Queen Camilla will travel to the Scottish capital for two days of royal engagements, from the King presenting awards at an investiture ceremony to the Queen hosting a reception for bookshop owners, writers and literary organisations.
Each year the monarch traditionally spends a week based at the Palace of Holyroodhouse in Edinburgh, known as Holyrood Week or Royal Week in Scotland.
Holyrood Week is shorter than in previous years as the General Election has meant the royal family has postponed any engagements “which may appear to divert attention or distract from the election campaign”.
The King will begin his official engagements in Scotland by inspecting a guard of honour in the Palace of Holyroodhouse gardens, and then attending the Ceremony of the Keys, where he will be presented with the keys to the city.
Later Charles will preside over the investiture ceremony where recipients include bestselling author Sir Alexander McCall Smith, creator of The No 1 Ladies’ Detective Agency series and the 44 Scotland Street novels, who will receive a knighthood for services to literature, academia and charity.
Camilla will hold a reception to celebrate those promoting Scottish literacy, before the King and his wife host guests at a garden party, alongside the Duke and Duchess of Edinburgh.
On Wednesday the King and Queen will be joined by the Prince of Wales, whose Scottish title is the Duke of Rothesay, at the Thistle Service at St Giles’ Cathedral, where Camilla and Edward will be appointed to the Order of the Thistle.
Charles and Camilla will round off the trip by joining a celebration with various performers, guests and organisations at Edinburgh Castle to mark the city’s 900th anniversary.
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Places on the course: 30
If you're looking for work in the public sector, the third sector or with non-governmental organisations our MSc in Politics is the course for you. It's also excellent preparation for PhD work in politics or in the social sciences.
The Department of Government & Public Policy has a number of research centres that relate to the topics covered and the content of the course. For example, the European Policies Research Centre is a leading hub for the study of regional development policy and collection of such data in Europe, a centre that is of increasing importance in the wake of Brexit.
Specialised policy centres focused on health and energy – such as the Centre for Energy Policy – also add to the applied policy environment at Strathclyde. The Institute for Future Cities' City Observatory, located in Strathclyde’s award-winning Technology & Innovation Centre, uses data to understand and address urban problems. The University also has many centres and institutes with projects that incorporate European governance and political issues, such as the Fraser of Allander Institute .
Head over to YouTube to watch our video of Dr Mark Shepherd discussing why you should study this course .
At the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, our friendly and knowledgeable team will be available to provide you with all the information you need to kick-start your postgraduate journey at the University of Strathclyde. Register for upcoming events below:
You'll study a range of compulsory and elective classes which will give you an advanced understanding of the study of politics. You'll learn about the design and implementation of advanced research projects in political science and about social sciences more generally.
You may apply to do a client-based project as part of your dissertation research. Following a career workshop session, and on the advice of the Department, you can contact host organisations including local, city, and national governmental organisations to arrange a work-based MSc dissertation. These projects will normally be unpaid and may need to be developed further to meet the requirements of an MSc dissertation.
Principles of Research Design
This class covers key research design issues and enables you to evaluate alternative research designs and create appropriate research proposals. The class is designed to help you decide a research topic and a design that you will use for your dissertation. Topics covered include formulating research questions, developing concepts, and how to select cases to study.
Choose one of the following:
Quantitative Methods 1
Qualitative Methods
These options are subject to change year on year, but are likely to include most of the following.
Choose four from the following:
Contemporary International Relations
Debating International Relations Theory
International Institutions and Regimes
Feminism and International Relations
Politics of Non-democratic Regimes
Around 67 percent of the world’s population live in a 'partly free' or 'not free' country, according to Freedom House, and politics in these 'hybrid' and non-democratic regimes seems quite volatile and opaque.
This module introduces you to the field of the politics of semi-democratic or authoritarian countries. It covers the major areas of political science research on non-democratic politics while simultaneously building empirical knowledge about the politics of particular authoritarian regimes. Examples are drawn from countries or regions across the world such as the Middle East, China, Russia, Africa, and Latin America as well as historical cases like Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union.
Policy Analysis
Public policy is the study of how governments and other agencies acting in the name of the general public deliberate on and enact policy.
The class examines the theoretical, empirical and practical issues involved in conducting policy analysis. Included are discussions of major concepts, processes, and types of policy issues, all studied in a comparative manner. Major classics in the field will be read.
Comparative Public Policy
Quantitative Methods 2
This class trains participants in the design, application, presentation, and critical evaluation of quantitative political research using relevant software packages for statistical analysis.
European Governance
This class seeks to examine the EU system of governance through the lenses of democracy, legitimacy and efficiency. Examining key processes, policy areas and proposals for reform, participants will be encouraged to consider the role of the EU and the nature of its relationship with its public.
Comparative Political Economy
This class revolves around the different aims for conducting comparative policy analysis such as explaining the variation of policy output and outcome across different institutional, economic, social and cultural settings, generalising a given theory of policy process in different geographical contexts and by taking time into consideration, as well as capturing the interdependence of countries. Units of analysis include countries, states/regions, local governments, and international organisations.
Political Behaviour
This Masters level post-graduate seminar provides an introduction to the social scientific study of mass political behaviour. It consists of weekly seminars that focus on quantitative (largely survey-based) research on various forms of political behaviour and underlying attitudes, such as voting, participation, political culture, values, intolerance racism, xenophobia or socialisation. The focus will be on the questions political scientists ask, the data they collect, the research designs they use, and the implications of their results.
University of Strathclyde prides itself in being the place of useful learning and to that end we offer a range of MSc programmes combining methods training with subject-specific knowledge so that our students can equip themselves with skills to make a real-world difference.
All classes are taught in seminars, which combine theoretical discussion and a strong empirical or policy focus, as appropriate. Seminars consist of a variety of teaching techniques; including small-group work, structured debates, presentations and background lectures.
Classes average 20 contact hours with additional computer laboratory sessions for some methods classes.
Methods of assessment include written assignments, blogs, podcasts, practical team projects, presentations, individual projects, and exams. Most modules involve more than one method of assessment to help you realise your potential.
These account for two-thirds of the total assessment. Your dissertation, produced over the summer, accounts for the remaining third.
Speakers at our weekly seminars include guest lecturers who come to Strathclyde as part of the Erasmus programme. They're also available for individual consultations with you as an MSc student here. Strathclyde’s organised research centres such as the European Policies Research Centre, routinely host their own 'Speaker’s Series' where talks relevant to the content of the course are common. You'll have time for networking with visiting speakers afterwards.
Academic requirements | First or upper second-class Honours degree, or equivalent, in social science. |
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English language requirements | Please check our before making your application. |
If you want to know more about what it’s like to be a Humanities & Social Sciences student at the University of Strathclyde, a selection of our current students are here to help!
Our Unibuddy ambassadors can answer all the questions you might have about courses and studying at Strathclyde, along with offering insight into their experiences of life in Glasgow and Scotland.
We've a thriving international community with students coming here to study from over 140 countries across the world. Find out all you need to know about studying in Glasgow at Strathclyde and hear from students about their experiences.
All fees quoted are full-time per academic year unless stated otherwise.
Fees may be subject to updates to maintain accuracy. Tuition fees will be notified in your offer letter.
All fees are in £ sterling, unless otherwise stated, and may be subject to revision.
Students on programmes of study of more than one year (or studying standalone modules) should be aware that tuition fees are revised annually and may increase in subsequent years of study. Annual increases will generally reflect UK inflation rates and increases to programme delivery costs.
Scotland, England, Wales & Northern Ireland | Full-time: £8,700 * Year 2 fee will be subject to an increase |
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International | £19,600 |
Additional costs |
International students may have associated visa and immigration costs. Please see for more information. £10 |
Available scholarships | . |
Please note: The fees shown are annual and may be subject to an increase each year. Find out more about fees .
Scottish postgraduate students may be able to apply for support from the Student Awards Agency Scotland (SAAS). The support is in the form of a tuition fee loan and for eligible students, a living cost loan. Find out more about the support and how to apply .
Don’t forget to check our scholarship search for more help with fees and funding.
Students ordinarily resident in England may be to apply for postgraduate support from Student Finance England. The support is a loan of up to £10,280 which can be used for both tuition fees and living costs. Find out more about the support and how to apply .
Don’t forget to check our scholarship search for more help with fees and funding .
Students ordinarily resident in Wales may be to apply for postgraduate support from Student Finance Wales. The support is a loan of up to £10,280 which can be used for both tuition fees and living costs. Find out more about the support and how to apply .
Postgraduate students who are ordinarily resident in Northern Ireland may be able to apply for support from Student Finance Northern Ireland. The support is a tuition fee loan of up to £5,500. Find out more about the support and how to apply .
We've a large range of scholarships available to help you fund your studies. Check our scholarship search for more help with fees and funding .
Our MSc in Politics provides excellent preparation for those who wish to work in the public and tertiary sectors either in the UK or abroad.
The course will provide those with experience of working in policy or in government, with fresh and updated insights into contemporary issues facing political life in the second decade of the 21 st century. In addition, the course provides a foundation in advanced research design and methodological skills, which are valued by employers.
Our campus is based right in the very heart of Glasgow. We're in the city centre, next to the Merchant City, both of which are great locations for sightseeing, shopping and socialising alongside your studies.
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This module meets during the Autumn semester, providing an introduction to research skills, methods, and practices specific to international relations. As part of this module, you will complete a methodology assessment and a research proposal. The proposal and feedback is part of your submission for the first-year annual progress review which ...
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Study PhD in Social and Political Science at the University of Edinburgh. Our postgraduate programme covers core research training skills and allows for specialisation over a number of related subject areas, such as; African Studies, Global Health Policy, International Development, Medical Anthropology, Politics and International Relations, Social and Public Policy, Social Anthropology, Social ...
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The Political Science doctoral program provides in-depth knowledge and advanced research skills, preparing you for leadership positions in academia, research institutions and public service. With a dedicated faculty and a supportive community of scholars, you'll have access to opportunities for cutting-edge research and professional development.
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Sir Jim became principal and vice-chancellor of the university in March 2009 following a long association with Strathclyde, studying his bachelor of science, masters and PhD degrees in the areas ...
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