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5 examples of thesis statements about racism for your next paper.

By Evans Apr 28 2021

Racism is a hot topic worldwide. It is one of the topics that never lack an audience. As expected, racism is also one of the most loved topics by teachers and even students. Therefore, it is not a surprise to be told to write an essay or a  research paper  on racism. You need to come up with several things within an incredible paper on racism, the most important one being a thesis statement. The term thesis statement sends shivers down the spine of many students. Most do not understand its importance or how to come up with a good thesis statement. Lucky for you, you have come to the right place. Here, you will learn all about  thesis statement  and get to sample a few racist thesis statements.

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Tips to writing a strong racism thesis statement

Keep it short.

A thesis statement is supposed to appear in the first paragraph of your essay. However, this does not mean that it should be the entire paragraph! A strong thesis statement should be one sentence (not an annoyingly long sentence), usually placed as the last sentence in the first paragraph.

Have a stand

A thesis statement should show what you aim to do with your paper. It should show that you are aware of what you are talking about. The thesis statement prepares the reader for what he or she is about to read. A wrong thesis statement will leave the reader of your paper unsure about your topic choice and your arguments.

Answer your research question

If you have been tasked with writing a  research paper  on why the Black Lives Matter movement has successfully dealt with racism, do not write a thesis statement giving the movement's history. Your thesis statement should respond to the research question, not any story you feel like telling. Additionally, the thesis statement is the summary of your sand and answer to the question at hand.

Express the main idea

A confused thesis statement expresses too many ideas while a strong, suitable one expresses the main idea. The thesis statement should tell the reader what your paper is all about. It should not leave the reader confused about whether you are talking about one thing or the other.

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racism thesis statement ideas

Thesis Statements About Racism Samples

Racism in workplace thesis statement examples.

Racism is so rampant in the workplace. Thousands face discrimination daily in their workplaces. While this is definitely bad news, it gives us more data to choose from when working on an essay or research paper on racism in the workplace. Here are a few examples of thesis statements about racism in the workplace:

1.       Despite being in the The 21st century, racial discrimination is still rampant in the workplace. The efforts made by governments and world organizations have not helped to do away with this discrimination completely.

2.       Even with the unity that comes with digitalism, colour remains the one aspect of life that has continually caused a rift in this life. A lot of efforts have turned futile in the war against racism. The workplace is no exception. It is infiltrated with racial ideologies that remain within man's scope despite the professionalism within the workplace.

3.       Systemic racism is no new concept. It remains the favoured term with the tongues of many after food and rent. This is an indicator of how rooted the world is when it comes to the issue of racism. The now world has been configured to recognize racial differences and be blind to human similarity. Organizations have been established upon this social construct, and more often than it has led them into a ditch of failure. The loot that comes with racism is of great magnitude to bear.

Thesis statement about Racism in schools

Many academic institutions have been recognized for producing students who have passed with distinctions. Unfortunately, behind these overwhelming results lies a trail of many students who have suffered racism and have missed the honors board because of the color differences. Let's look at some of the examples of thesis statements on racism in schools:

1.       Merit should be the S.I unit upon which humanity is graded. Unfortunately, this is not the case, especially in schools, for the new merit score is the person's color. Many have found their way to the honour's board not because of merit but because they of the same color affiliation as the teacher.

2.       Enlightenment and civilization have found their way to the world through one important institution called schools. We owe that to it. Unfortunately, even with the height to which the world has reached civilization and enlightenment, one area has been left out and remains unaddressed- the world view of color. Despite the light and glamour, we see globally, one predominant view is called race. We continue to paint the world based on human color, even in schools.

3.       Bullying falls among the vices that have dire consequences to the victim. One of the spheres to which bullying exists is the sphere of color and race within the context of schools. Many student's confidence and esteem have been shuttered only because they are black or white. Many have receded to depression because they feel unwanted in the schools. One of the prominent times within American History is the Jim Crow Era, where racial segregation in schools within North Carolina was rampant. We saw schools have a section for white students and a separate section for black students within this era. The prevailing flag was black and white, and racism was the order of the day.

Final Thought

Coming up with a thesis statement does not have to difficult. No, not at all. Evaluate the topic or question and express yourself through the thesis statement from your stance or the answer. Mastering this one key in writing exams or assignments is one of the keys to scaling up the ladder of lucrative grades. However, practice is a discipline that will see you become a pro in writing a prolific strong, and catchy thesis statement. Henceforth, regard yourself as a pro, regard yourself as the best in thesis statement writing. If you are still having trouble with coming up with an excellent thesis statement, do not beat yourself up because of it.  Paper per hour  has the  best writers  who can help you with all your racism thesis statement needs.

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How to Write a Racism Thesis Statement: A Step-by-Step Guide (With Examples)

Jul 20, 2023

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Jul 20, 2023 | Blog

As a student, you will handle many subjects and assignments.

One topic that is popular for essays and research papers is Racism.

Many resources are on the topic, so students assume a racism essay is easy.

The challenge you will face with a racism essay is not content but a thesis statement.

The racism thesis statement should be powerful and something your audience can understand and relate to.

This article will provide helpful guidelines and tips on writing a racism thesis statement and examples of powerful racist thesis statements.

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What is a thesis statement?

A thesis statement is the backbone of a persuasive paper.

The thesis states your position or opinion as a factual claim and guides readers through their journey with you in this essay.

I am informing them on how they will navigate through it.

A good thesis statement is the equivalent of a preacher giving a sermon or a politician making an announcement.

As you craft your paper’s introduction, your goal will be to pique interest by announcing what you’re going to say in-depth throughout the rest of your essay.

Do you know how a preacher or politician might say, “Here’s what I’m going to tell you”?

The thesis statement is your announcement of what you’re trying to convey.

Difference between a TOPIC and a THESIS STATEMENT

A topic is a subject or good idea you would like to explore further.

A thesis statement is a specific argumentative stance you will take on the subject.

For example, Racism is a topic, while a thesis statement about Racism could be:

“While racism remains a problem in America, it can be reduced or potentially eliminated through the effective implementation of diversity training programs in schools and corporate institutions.”

How do I get started with writing a thesis statement on racial discrimination?

Use these three steps:

(1) brainstorm what you think

(2) refine your idea

(3) rewrite your idea in the form of a central claim

Let’s use a hypothetical sociology class assignment asking you to construct a response to the racism problem on our college campus.

Step 1: Brainstorm what you think 

You start by writing, “Racism is a prominent issue on our college campus.”

Even though this is a great starting point, it is not well-defined. It’s’ simply restating the assignment.

At this point, what you need to do is to brainstorm. On this given topic, what do you think about it?

What’s your opinion on the given topic?

How will you support your opinion?

What examples and facts can you provide?

Try putting these questions on paper and writing down your answers. You will then use the solutions you wrote down to formulate a stronger racism thesis statement.

Step 2: Refine your idea

One of the proven best methods of doing this is using the following model:

On a piece of paper, write this: “I think that ____________.

Using your initial brainstorming idea, fill in the blank.

In our case, it will be this: “I think that racism remains a problem on our college campus.”

While you have rewritten your rough idea at this stage, it is starting to form a thesis.

Next, complete this model as you continue building your thesis: I think racism Racism remains a problem on our college campus because __________.

Then you write: IRacism Racism remains a problem on our college campus because it does not require mandatory diversity training for all of its students.

Okay, now you are progressing and heading in a good direction.

Let’s reword the thesis to make it appear more “academic.”

Step 3: Rewrite your idea in the form of a central claim 

We need to replace the word “you” to make the thesis statement appear less personal and like the main claim.

To achieve this, delete the “I think that” from the sentence:

“Racism remains a problem on our college campus because the college does not require mandatory diversity training for all of its students.”

Hurray! You now have your thesis statement—many congratulations.

Essential details to keep in mind when writing a racism thesis statement

1) your racism thesis statement should appear at the beginning of the paper.

When writing a Racism essay on Racism, the thesis statement is important.

Readers should be given a clear idea of what your essay will cover and how it will unfold.

The racism thesis statement is an outlook for the rest of your paper in the introductory paragraph.

The introductory paragraph should clarify that you’re approaching this topic from all angles and know how complicated this issue can be in today’s society.

2) Your theRacismatement on Racism should give direction to the rest of your paper

A thesis statement on Racism gives your reader direction and provides several reasons for elaborating on a specific claim.

If you wish to accomplish this, your statement should expRacismhe the idea of Racism in-depth with different examples that will persuade readers.

For example: ”Racism does not exist” while still, an argument is insufficient as it has a false sense of structure.

However, if your thesis is that “racism does not exist because antiracist movements have grown in power and number over the years,” you can provide two reasons to support this claim within one sentence.

Such shapes the rest of your paper while leaving much time for evidence discussion later.

Such gives the paper the needed shape as evidence is discussed in detail to support this claim.

3) Ensure that you have a debatable argument

Although it’s important to question any information you are given, there is a certain knowledge that the public already values.

For exampRacismeryone, he knows Racism is a social and moral vice.

This means coming up with such a topic would not interest their audience.

Your argument becomes a racism thesis statement once you add an aspect.

For instance, oRacismld says, “Racism is the most harmful social and moral vice on earth. we might lose our unique identities and multicultural features if not eradicated soon enough.”

4) Keep your Racism thesis statement short!

It’s effortless to make your racism essay more interesting if you keep it short.

If you pick a broad topic, the magnitude of information will almost certainly give you trouble.

A good thesis statement should be small and localized rather than large or generalizing.

For example: “White police brutality on black people among many other things shows that Racism still exists in the United States” would make a powerful claim about something that was happening more often now than before

Tips On How To Write A Racism Thesis Statement

Tips On How To Write A Racism Thesis Statement

Before writing your thesis statement on Racism, consider the following guidelines.

Find a racism topic or issue to write about

Racism is a broad issue that continues to plague the world even today.

Therefore, finding an informative topic from which you can develop a thesis statement shouldn’t be difficult.

You can see Racism approach Racism through other social issues such as art, politics, economy, equitability, poverty, and history.

2. Pick a topic that is interesting to you

You might not be familiar with all the Racism surrounding Racism.

As asRacismoned earlier, Racism is a broad topic; there are many approaches you can take in your paper.

Therefore, to have an easier time developing a thesis, pick a racist topic that interests you.

For instance, if you are conversant with the history of America, your thesis statement could focuRacismhe the effects of Racism during the Civil Rights Movement that began in 1954 and ended in 1968.

3. Hook your reader

As you write your thesis statement, try to include a hook.

A hook is a statement that grabs the attention of a reader.

Try hooking your reader by relating your thesis to popular culture.

You could even refer to current issues on the news or relate to popular television programs, movies, or books.

4. Avoid offensiveRacismage

Remember, Racism is a personal issue; it is open to bias depending on your thinking.

Therefore, most of the issues surrounding this topic are controversial.

Avoid offensive and rude language when discussing a controversial topic in an academic paper.

Examples Of Racism Thesis Statements

Examples Of Racism Thesis Statements

It would help if you had a well-thought-out and well-constructed thesis statement to get a good score in your racism-related research paper or essay.

The following are examples of thesis statements on different racism topics.

Existence of Racism

Existence of racism | Essay Freelance Writers

Such an essay tries to prove that racial segregation is still a significant social problem.

Therefore, your thesis statement should focus on the problems racial segregation causes.

Consider the following example:

It is a fact that police killings involving people of color are more than white people. Joshua Correll of the University of Colorado confirmed this when he designed a game where the participants played cops. The game results indicated that, despite the people playing cop, they were more willing to kill a person of color and showed hesitation when the suspect was a white persRacismis. Racism continues to plague society.

Use our free Thesis Statement Generator Tool Here .

Workplace-related Racism

Racism is a form of prejudice often experienced in a workplace environment.

A workplace powerful racism thesis statement could read as follows:

Prejudice in a workplace environment is a backward practice that undermines productivity. In the professional sphere, white people are considered mentally superior, and therefore they get the top jobs that pay higher wages. Blacks are considered physically endowed and land physical labor jobs, which generally pay lower.

Anti-racism movements

Anti-racism is a phrase coined by people who formed movements to fight Racismnsequences of Racism.

Martin Luther King Jr led the greatest antiracist movement between the early 50s and the late 60s.

Another key antiracist figure was Nelson Madiba Mandela of South Africa.

Anti-racism also covers the beliefs and policies set to combat racial prejudice.

An anti-racism essay thesis statement should evoke emotion from a reader.

The following is an example:

Anti-racism movement leaders were treated inhumanely; Nelson Mandela was imprisoned for 27 years, and Martin Luther King Junior was assassinated. But, society today would not be as egalitarian as it is without them. Their sacrifices are the sole reason blacks and whites can walk on the same street and work together to create a brighter future.

Cause and effect

You can choose to write about Racism and the effect of Racism.

For example, ignoRacismis a cause of Racism that results in fear and eventually extreme violence.

The following is an example of a thesis statement that focuses on ignorance and fear as thRacismary causes of Racism.

Undoubtedly, Racism has negative consequences, the key among them being fear and violence, resulting from a need to protect themselves. Racism major cause of Racism is ignorance. Uneducated and unexposed feel threatened by people of a different race. Such people condone and practice this prejudice without considering its negative effects and consequences on the individuals they discriminate against and society.

Racism Thesis statements based on art and literature

Books, music, and movies cover a wide variety of racist topics.

The following are examples of literary artworks you can base a racism essay on:

Othello is a play by Shakespeare that addresses some delicate sociRacismssues such as Racism.

You could develop a thesis statemeRacismhlighting Racism in the play.

Othello, who was black, was highly disrespected by Lago and other characters such as Emilia, Roderigo, and Brabantio. These characters labeled him ”Barbary horse,” ”an old black ram,” ”thick lips,” and other demeaning names. He was also abused for marrying a Venetian woman. All this shows a strong conviction that one race is superior and a barbaric intolerance towards the ”inferior” race.

2. To kill a mockingbird

This book by Harper Lee is popular because it portrays the struggles of a black man in the southern states in the early 20 th century.

The book is a good source for Racism essays as it depicts Racism and its effects easily and comprehensibly.

The following is a good example of a racist thesis statement from To Kill a Mocking Bird :

Tom Robinson was suspected of murdering Mayella Ewell, a white woman, and was sentenced not because of any evidence but because he was black. Like Atticus Finch, Scout, and Jem, who tried to defend him, White characters were given shaming names such as ”Nigger lovers.” The story in the book clearly shows the tribulations a black man went through and how his word meant nothing.

3. Disney films

Disney films and racism thesis statements

Disney films are popular for their fascinating stories and world-class acting and production.

However, scrutiny of several films will realize a certain degree of racial prejudice in how the films portray characters.

The following is an example of a thesis statement focusing on racial prejudice in Disney films:

There is a significant degree of racial prejudice in how Disney portrays characters in their films. For example, in Jungle Book, the gorillas communicated in an African vernacular language. Another example is Lady and the Tramp, where the cat villains had slanted eyes and spoke with an East Asian accent. The film production company portrays protagonists as white and antagonists as people of color.

4. Advertisements

The advertisement sector also depicts racial prejudice.

To demonstrate, consider this thesis statement:

Several surveys show that black people are underrepresented in commercials, mainstream media, and online ads. According to the US Census Bureau 2010 records, blacks  and other racial minorities represent 30%. Yet, only 7% of ads involve black people, while other racial minorities are hardly ever represented.

Racism is a fairly easy subject for an essay and research paper .

However, it has so many sources and different points of view that selecting one idea to focus on in creating a thesis statement can be problematic.

But, with the guidelines shared above, developing a thesis statement for your racism essay will not be as difficult.

Remember, you need to let the reader know your point of view and demonstrate your objectiveness on the issue.

Examples of thesis statements on Racism

  • Racism worldwide can end if the global collaboration and interracial and intercultural communication continue to increase.
  • Racial minorities in America still face covert prejudice despite America’s institutional and societal changes in the sixties.
  • Multiculturalism has failed as an institutional practice in Europe, which can be determined by the increase in hate crime cases and racial minority issues.
  • Despite the significance of affirmative action in countering racial prejudice, there are concerns that it promotes racial differences.
  • There exists a misconception that affirmative action is a women’s agenda.
  • Racial prejudice founded on a single person’s actions but taken to be the general state of affairs for the given race is wrong.
  • Racism in the workplace adversely impacts workers’ productivity as it affects their aggressiveness.
  • It costs nothing to point out racist actions in the workplace.
  • The majority of Racism in the world relies on Racism as a means of garnering votes and grabbing power.
  • The rate of racial hatred and related crimes is high in Australian universities.
  • Students’ diversity can play a significant role in reducing racial crimes and related issues.
  • Embracing diversity in the workplace can help reduce incidences of racial intolerance.
  • Transgender, bisexual, gay, and lesbian Americans have experienced prejudice from society.
  • In the thirties, the Blacks lived in hatred and poverty, which was the cause of death of many innocent lives.
  • It was considered strange to show affection to Black Americans in the past.
  • Despite the frowning among most citizens in America, racial prejudice is a common practice, especially in the brave home.
  • Racial equality is a social barrier that Americans are yet to overcome.
  • There are wide geographical and psychological distances between Asians and Blacks in America. Such distances can be attributed to the segregation by the American society government or the white-centric media.

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I am dedicated to creating engaging blog posts that provide valuable insights and advice to help students excel in their studies. From study tips to time management strategies, my goal is to empower students to reach their full potential.

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Home — Blog — Topic Ideas — Essay Topics on Racism: 150 Ideas for Analysis and Discussion

Essay Topics on Racism: 150 Ideas for Analysis and Discussion

essay topics on racism

Here’s a list of 150 essay ideas on racism to help you ace a perfect paper. The subjects are divided based on what you require!

Before we continue with the list of essay topics on racism, let's remember the definition of racism. In brief, it's a complex prejudice and a form of discrimination based on race. It can be done by an individual, a group, or an institution. If you belong to a racial or ethnic group, you are facing being in the minority. As it's usually caused by the group in power, there are many types of racism, including socio-cultural racism, internal racism, legal racism, systematic racism, interpersonal racism, institutional racism, and historical racism. You can also find educational or economic racism as there are many sub-sections that one can encounter.

150 Essay Topics on Racism to Help You Ace a Perfect Essay

General Recommendations

The subject of racism is one of the most popular among college students today because you can discuss it regardless of your academic discipline. Even though we are dealing with technical progress and the Internet, the problem of racism is still there. The world may go further and talk about philosophical matters, yet we still have to face them and explore the challenges. It makes it even more difficult to find a good topic that would be unique and inspiring. As a way to help you out, we have collected 150 racism essay topics that have been chosen by our experts. We recommend you choose something that motivates you and narrow things down a little bit to make your writing easier.

Why Choose a Topic on Racial Issues? 

When we explore racial issues, we are not only seeking the most efficient solutions but also reminding ourselves about the past and the mistakes that we should never make again. It is an inspirational type of work as we all can change the world. If you cannot choose a topic that inspires you, think about recent events, talk about your friend, or discuss something that has happened in your local area. Just take your time and think about how you can make the world a safer and better place.

The Secrets of a Good Essay About Racism 

The secret to writing a good essay on racism is not only stating that racism is bad but by exploring the origins and finding a solution. You can choose a discipline and start from there. For example, if you are a nursing student, talk about the medical principles and responsibilities where every person is the same. Talk about how it has not always been this way and discuss the methods and the famous theorists who have done their best to bring equality to our society. Keep your tone inspiring, explore, and tell a story with a moral lesson in the end. Now let’s explore the topic ideas on racism!

General Essay Topics On Racism 

As we know, no person is born a racist since we are not born this way and it cannot be considered a biological phenomenon. Since it is a practice that is learned and a social issue, the general topics related to racism may include socio-cultural, philosophical, and political aspects as you can see below. Here are the ideas that you should consider as you plan to write an essay on racial issues:

  • Are we born with racial prejudice? 
  • Can racism be unlearned? 
  • The political constituent of the racial prejudice and the colonial past? 
  • The humiliation of the African continent and the control of power. 
  • The heritage of the Black Lives Matter movement and its historical origins. 
  • The skin color issue and the cultural perceptions of the African Americans vs Mexican Americans. 
  • The role of social media in the prevention of racial conflicts in 2022 . 
  • Martin Luther King Jr. and his role in modern education. 
  • Konrad Lorenz and the biological perception of the human race. 
  • The relation of racial issues to nazism and chauvinism.

The Best Racism Essay Topics 

School and college learners often ask about what can be considered the best essay subject when asked to write on racial issues. Essentially, you have to talk about the origins of racism and provide a moral lesson with a solution as every person can be a solid contribution to the prevention of hatred and racial discrimination.

  • The schoolchildren's example and the attitude to the racial conflicts. 
  • Perception of racism in the United States versus Germany. 
  • The role of the scouting movement as a way to promote equality in our society. 
  •  Social justice and the range of opportunities that African American individuals could receive during the 1960s.
  •  The workplace equality and the negative perception of the race when the documents are being filed. 
  •  The institutional racism and the sources of the legislation that has paved the way for injustice. 
  •  Why should we talk to the children about racial prejudice and set good examples ? 
  •  The role of anthropology in racial research during the 1990s in the USA. 
  •  The Black Poverty phenomenon and the origins of the Black Culture across the globe. 
  •  The controversy of Malcolm X’s personality and his transition from anger to peacemaking.

Shocking Racism Essay Ideas 

Unfortunately, there are many subjects that are not easy to deal with when you are talking about the most horrible sides of racism. Since these subjects are sensitive, dealing with the shocking aspects of this problem should be approached with a warning in your introduction part so your readers know what to expect. As a rule, many medical and forensic students will dive into the issue, so these topic ideas are still relevant:

  • The prejudice against wearing a hoodie. 
  •  The racial violence in Western Africa and the crimes by the Belgian government. 
  •  The comparison of homophobic beliefs and the link to racial prejudice. 
  •  Domestic violence and the bias towards the cases based on race. 
  •  Racial discrimination in the field of the sex industry. 
  •  Slavery in the Middle East and the modern cultural perceptions. 
  •  Internal racism in the United States: why the black communities keep silent. 
  •  Racism in the American schools: the bias among the teachers. 
  •  Cyberbullying and the distorted image of the typical racists . 
  •  The prisons of Apartheid in South Africa.

Light and Simple Ideas Regarding Racism

If you are a high-school learner or a first-year college student, your essay on racism may not have to represent complex research with a dozen of sources. Here are some good ideas that are light and simple enough to provide you with inspiration and the basic points to follow:

  • My first encounter with racial prejudice. 
  •  Why do college students are always in the vanguard of social campaigns? 
  •  How are the racial issues addressed by my school? 
  •  The promotion of the African-American culture is a method to challenge prejudice and stereotypes. 
  • The history of blues music and the Black culture of the blues in the United States.
  • The role of slavery in the Adventures of Tom Sawyer by Mark Twain. 
  •  School segregation in the United States during the 1960s. 
  •  The negative effect of racism on the mental health of a person. 
  •  The advocacy of racism in modern society . 
  •  The heritage of “Uncle Tom’s Cabin” and the modern perception of the historical issues.

Interesting Topics on Racism For an Essay 

Contrary to the popular belief, when you have to talk about the cases of racial prejudice, you will also encounter many interesting essay topic ideas. As long as these are related to your main academic course, you can explore them. Here are some great ideas to consider:

  • Has the perception of Michael Jackson changed because of his skin transition? 
  •  The perception of racial problems by the British Broadcasting Corporation. 
  •  The role of the African American influencers on Instagram. 
  •  The comparison between the Asian students and the Mexican learners in the USA. 
  •  Latin culture and the similarities when compared to the Black culture with its peculiarities. 
  •  The racial impact in the “Boy In The Stripped Pajamas”. 
  •  Can we eliminate racism completely and how exactly, considering the answer is “Yes”? 
  •  Scientific research of modern racism and social media campaigns. 
  •  Why do some people believe that the Black Lives Matter movement is controversial? 
  • Male vs female challenges in relation to racial attitudes.

Argumentative Essay Topics About Race 

An argumentative type of writing requires making a clear statement or posing an assumption that will deal with a particular question. As we are dealing with racial prejudice or theories, it is essential to support your writing with at least one piece of evidence to make sure that you can support your opinion and stand for it as you write. Here are some good African American argumentative essay examples of topics and other ideas to consider:

  •  Racism is a mental disorder and cannot be treated with words alone. 
  •  Analysis of the traumatic experiences based on racial prejudice. 
  •  African-American communities and the sense of being inferior are caused by poverty. 
  •  Reading the memoirs of famous people that describe racial issues often provides a distorted image through the lens of a single person. 
  •  There is no academic explanation of racism since every case is different and is often based on personal perceptions. 
  •  The negatives of the post-racial perception as the latent system that advocates racism. 
  •  The link of racial origins to the concept of feminism and gender inequality. 
  •  The military bias and the merits that are earned by the African-American soldiers. 
  •  The media causes a negative image of the Latin and Mexican youth in the United States. 
  •  Does racism exist in kindergarten and why the youngsters do not think about racial prejudice?

Racism Research Paper Topics 

Dealing with The Black Lives Matter essay , you should focus on those aspects of racism that are not often discussed or researched by the media. You can take a particular case study or talk about the reasons why the BLM social campaign has started and whether the timing has been right. Here are some interesting racism topics for research paper that you should consider:

  • The link of criminal offenses to race is an example of the primary injustice .  
  • The socio-emotional burdens of slavery that one can trace among the representatives of the African-American population. 
  • Study of the cardio-vascular diseases among the American youth: a comparison of the Caucasian and Latin representatives. 
  • The race and the politics: dealing with the racial issues and the Trump administration analysis. 
  • The best methods to achieve medical equality for all people: where race has no place to be. 
  • The perception of racism by the young children: the negative side of trying to educate the youngsters. 
  • Racial prejudice in the UK vs the United States: analysis of the core differences. 
  • The prisons in the United States: why do the Blacks constitute the majority? 
  • The culture of Voodoo and the slavery: the link between the occult practices.
  • The native American people and the African Americans: the common woes they share.

Racism in Culture Topics 

Racism topics for essay in culture are always upon the surface because we can encounter them in books, popular political shows, movies, social media, and more. The majority of college students often ignore this aspect because things easily become confusing since one has to take a stand and explain the point. As a way to help you a little bit, we have collected several cultural racism topic ideas to help you start:

  • The perception of wealth by the Black community: why it differs when researched through the lens of past poverty?  
  • The rap music and the cultural constituent of the African-American community. 
  • The moral constituent of the political shows where racial jargon is being used. 
  • Why the racial jokes on television are against the freedom of speech?  
  • The ways how the modern media promotes racism by stirring up the conflict and actually doing harm. 
  • The isolated cases of racism and police violence in the United States as portrayed by the movies. 
  • Playing with the Black musicians: the history of jazz in the United States. 
  • The social distancing and the perception of isolation by the different races. 
  • The cultural multitude in the cartoons by the Disney Corporations: the pros and cons.
  • From assimilation to genocide: can the African American child make it big without living through the cultural bias?

Racism Essay Ideas in Literature 

One of the best ways to study racism is by reading the books by those who have been through it on their own or by studying the explorations by those who can write emotionally and fight for racial equality where racism has no place to be. Keeping all of these challenges in mind, our experts suggest turning to the books as you can explore racism in the literature by focusing on those who are against it and discussing the cases in the classic literature that are quite controversial.

  • The racial controversy of Ernest Hemingway's writing.  
  • The personal attitude of Mark Twain towards slavery and the cultural peculiarities of the times. 
  • The reasons why "To Kill a Mockingbird" by Harper Lee book has been banned in libraries. 
  • The "Hate You Give" by Angie Thomas and the analysis of the justified and "legit" racism. 
  • Is the poetry by the gangsta rap an example of hidden racism? 
  • Maya Angelou and her timeless poetry. 
  • The portrayal of xenophobia in modern English language literature. 
  • What can we learn from the "Schilder's List" screenplay as we discuss the subject of genocide? 
  • Are there racial elements in "Othello" or Shakespeare's creation is beyond the subject?
  • Kate Chopin's perception of inequality in "Desiree's Baby".

Racism in Science Essay Ideas 

Racism is often studied by scientists because it's not only a cultural point or a social agenda that is driven by personal inferiority and similar factors of mental distortion. Since we can talk about police violence and social campaigns, it is also possible to discuss things through different disciplines. Think over these racism thesis statement ideas by taking a scientific approach and getting a common idea explained:

  • Can physical trauma become a cause for a different perception of race? 
  • Do we inherit racial intolerance from our family members and friends? 
  • Can a white person assimilate and become a part of the primarily Black community? 
  • The people behind the concept of Apartheid: analysis of the critical factors. 
  • Can one prove the fact of the physical damage of the racial injustice that lasted through the years? 
  • The bond between mental diseases and the slavery heritage among the Black people. 
  • Should people carry the blame for the years of social injustice? 
  • How can we explain the metaphysics of race? 
  • What do the different religions tell us about race and the best ways to deal with it? 
  • Ethnic prejudices based on age, gender, and social status vs general racism.

Cinema and Race Topics to Write About 

As a rule, the movies are also a great source for writing an essay on racial issues. Remember to provide the basic information about the movie or include examples with the quotations to help your readers understand all the major points that you make. Here are some ideas that are worth your attention:

  • The negative aspect of the portrayal of racial issues by Hollywood.  
  • Should the disturbing facts and the graphic violence be included in the movies about slavery? 
  • Analysis of the "Green Mile" movie and the perception of equality in our society.  
  • The role of music and culture in the "Django Unchained" movie. 
  • The "Ghosts of Mississippi" and the social aspect of the American South compared to how we perceive it today. 
  • What can we learn from the "Malcolm X" movie created by Spike Lee? 
  • "I am Not Your Negro" movie and the role of education through the movies. 
  • "And the Children Shall Lead" the movie as an example that we are not born racist. 
  • Do we really have the "Black Hollywood" concept in reality? 
  • Do the movies about racial issues only cause even more racial prejudice?

Race and Ethnic Relations 

Another challenging problem is the internal racism and race and ethnicity essay topics that we can observe not only in the United States but all over the world as well. For example, the Black people in the United States and the representatives of the rap music culture will divide themselves between the East Coast and the West Coast where far more than cultural differences exist. The same can be encountered in Afghanistan or in Belgium. Here are some essay topics on race and ethnicity idea samples to consider:

  • The racial or the ethnic conflict? What can we learn from Afghan society? 
  • Religious beliefs divide us based on ethnicity . 
  • What are the major differences between ethnic and racial conflicts? 
  • Why we are able to identify the European Black person and the Black coming from the United States? 
  • Racism and ethnicity's role in sports. 
  • How can an ethnic conflict be resolved with the help of anti-racial methods? 
  • The medical aspect of being an Asian in the United States. 
  • The challenges of learning as an African American person during the 1950s. 
  • The role of the African American people in the Vietnam war and their perception by the locals. 
  • Ethnicity's role in South Africa as the concept of Apartheid has been formed.

Biology and Racial Issues 

If you are majoring in Biology or would like to research this side of the general issue of race, it is essential to think about how we can fight racism in practice by turning to healthcare or the concepts that are historical in their nature. Although we cannot explain slavery per se other than by turning to economics and the rule of power that has no justification, biologists believe that racial challenges can be approached by their core beliefs as well.

  • Can we create an isolated non-racist society in 2022? 
  • If we assume that a social group has never heard of racism, can it occur? 
  • The physical versus cultural differences in the racial inequality cases? 
  • The biological peculiarities of the different races? 
  • Do we carry the cultural heritage of our race? 
  • Interracial marriage through the lens of Biology. 
  • The origins of the racial concept and its evolution. 
  • The core ways how slavery has changed the African-American population. 
  • The linguistic peculiarities of the Latin people. 
  • The resistance of the different races towards vaccination.

Modern Racism Topics to Consider 

In case you would like to deal with a modern subject that deals with racism, you can go beyond the famous Black Lives Matter movement by focusing on the cases of racism in sports or talking about the peacemakers or the famous celebrities who have made a solid difference in the elimination of racism.

  • The Global Citizen campaign is a way to eliminate racial differences. 
  • The heritage of Aretha Franklin and her take on the racial challenges. 
  • The role of the Black Stars in modern society: the pros and cons. 
  • Martin Luther King Day in the modern schools. 
  • How can Instagram help to eliminate racism? 
  • The personality of Michelle Obama as a fighter for peace. 
  • Is a society without racism a utopian idea? 
  • How can comic books help youngsters understand equality? 
  • The controversy in the death of George Floyd. 
  • How can we break down the stereotypes about Mexicans in the United States?

Racial Discrimination Essay Ideas 

If your essay should focus on racial discrimination, you should think about the environment and the type of prejudice that you are facing. For example, it can be in school or at the workplace, at the hospital, or in a movie that you have attended. Here are some discrimination topics research paper ideas that will help you to get started:

  • How can a schoolchild report the case of racism while being a minor?  
  • The discrimination against women's rights during the 1960s. 
  • The employment problem and the chances of the Latin, Asian, and African American applicants. 
  • Do colleges implement a certain selection process against different races? 
  • How can discrimination be eliminated via education? 
  • African-American challenges in sports. 
  • The perception of discrimination, based on racial principles and the laws in the United States. 
  • How can one report racial comments on social media? 
  • Is there discrimination against white people in our society? 
  • Covid-19 and racial discrimination: the lessons we have learned.

Find Even More Essay Topics On Racism by Visiting Our Site 

If you are unsure about what to write about, you can always find an essay on racism by visiting our website. Offering over 150 topic ideas, you can always get in touch with our experts and find another one!

5 Tips to Make Your Essay Perfect

  • Start your essay on racial issues by narrowing things down after you choose the general topic. 
  • Get your facts straight by checking the dates, the names, opinions from both sides of an issue, etc. 
  • Provide examples if you are talking about the general aspects of racism. 
  • Do not use profanity and show due respect even if you are talking about shocking things. The same relates to race and ethnic relations essay topics that are based on religious conflicts. Stay respectful! 
  • Provide references and citations to avoid plagiarism and to keep your ideas supported by at least one piece of evidence.

Recommendations to Help You Get Inspired

Speaking of recommended books and articles to help you start with this subject, you should check " The Ideology of Racism: Misusing Science to Justify Racial Discrimination " by William H. Tucker who is a professor of social sciences at Rutgers University. Once you read this great article, think about the poetry by Maya Angelou as one of the best examples to see the practical side of things.

The other recommendations worth checking include:

- How to be Anti-Racist by Ibram X. Kendi . - White Fragility by Robin Diangelo . - So You Want to Talk About Race by Ijeoma Oluo .

The Final Word 

We sincerely believe that our article has helped you to choose the perfect essay subject to stir your writing skills. If you are still feeling stuck and need additional help, our team of writers can assist you in the creation of any essay based on what you would like to explore. You can get in touch with our skilled experts anytime by contacting our essay service for any race and ethnicity topics. Always confidential and plagiarism-free, we can assist you and help you get over the stress!

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racism thesis statement ideas

50+ Essay Topics on Racism for Students

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Table of contents

  • 1 Why Choose Racism Essay Topics for Writing Purposes?
  • 2 How to Choose Racism Essay Topics?
  • 3 Best Essay Topics on Racism
  • 4 Good Racism Research Topics
  • 5 Easy Racism Essay Topics
  • 6 Research Questions about Racism
  • 7 Argumentative Essay Topics about Racism
  • 8 Topics about Racism for Essay

Why Choose Racism Essay Topics for Writing Purposes?

There are many reasons why someone might choose to write an essay on racism. For some, it may be a way to explore their own personal experiences with racism. Others may want to raise awareness about the issue, or explore the history of racism in America. Whatever the reason, there are a number of potential essay topics to choose from. One potential topic is to explore the origins of racism in America. This could include a discussion of the slave trade, and how racism has been perpetuated throughout history. Another possibility is to discuss the current state of racism in America. This could include a discussion of the recent events in Charlottesville, Virginia, and how racism is still a very real problem in our country. No matter what topic you choose, it is important to remember that your essay should be well-researched and well-written. Be sure to support your claims with evidence, and be sure to cite your sources. With a little effort, you can write a compelling and thought-provoking essay on racism.

How to Choose Racism Essay Topics?

There are a lot of racism essay topics to choose from. However, it can be difficult to decide which one to write about. Here are some tips to help you choose the right topic for your essay:

  • Pick a topic that you are passionate about.
  • Choose a topic that you know something about.
  • Make sure the topic is something that you can research.
  • Be sure to choose a topic that is controversial.
  • Be sure to choose a topic that is interesting to you.

Best Essay Topics on Racism

  • Racism is a social construct that has been used to justify discrimination and violence against certain groups of people
  • Racism is a form of discrimination that is based on the belief that one race is superior to another.
  • Racism can be manifested in the form of individual prejudice, institutional discrimination, or hate crimes.
  • Racism is often used as a justification for xenophobic and anti-immigrant sentiment.
  • Racism has a long history in the United States, dating back to the colonial era.
  • Racism is a global problem that affects people of all races and ethnicities.
  • The rise of Donald Trump and the alt-right has emboldened racists and white supremacists in the United States.
  • The Black Lives Matter movement has brought renewed attention to the problem of racism in America.
  • Racism is a complex issue that cannot be solved overnight.
  • Education is key to combating racism and promoting social justice.

Good Racism Research Topics

Racism in America: A History from Slavery to Today

  • The Impact of Racism on African Americans
  • Racism and Discrimination in the Workplace
  • The School-to-Prison Pipeline: How Racism Contributes to the Mass Incarceration of African Americans
  • The Role of Media in Promoting Racism
  • The Impact of Racism on Mental Health
  • Racism and the Criminal Justice System
  • How has racism changed over time?
  • What are the different forms of racism?
  • How does racism affect people?
  • What are the causes of racism?
  • How can racism be prevented?
  • What are the consequences of racism?
  • What are the solutions to racism?
  • Is racism a global problem?
  • How does racism affect society?
  • What is the history of racism?

Easy Racism Essay Topics

  • The history of racism and its impact on society.
  • The different forms of racism and their effects on individuals and society.
  • The role of race in shaping individual and group identity.
  • The ways in which racism is perpetuated through institutional policies and practices.
  • The impact of racism on economic, social, and political life.
  • The challenges of living in a racially diverse society.
  • The role of the media in perpetuating or challenging racism.
  • The impact of racism on personal relationships.
  • The role of education in combating racism.
  • The challenges of addressing racism in the workplace.

Research Questions about Racism

  • How has racism impacted the lives of people of color in the United States?
  • What are the origins of racism in the United States?
  • How has racism changed over time in the United States?
  • What are the current manifestations of racism in the United States?
  • How do people of color experience racism in the United States?
  • What are the psychological effects of racism on people of color in the United States?
  • What are the economic effects of racism on people of color in the United States?
  • What are the educational effects of racism on people of color in the United States?
  • What are the health effects of racism on people of color in the United States?
  • What are the social effects of racism on people of color in the United States?

Argumentative Essay Topics about Racism

  • Racism is a major problem in our society today and it needs to be addressed.
  • Racism is a major barrier to social cohesion and harmony.
  • Racism is a major cause of discrimination and prejudice.
  • Racism is a major source of tension and conflict in our society.

Topics about Racism for Essay

  • Racism as a social problem.
  • The history of racism and its impact on society..
  • Racism in the criminal justice system.
  • The different forms of racism.
  • Racism in the media.
  • The causes of racism.
  • Racism in the workplace.
  • The effects of racism on individuals and society.
  • Racism in education.
  • Racism and its impact on mental health.

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racism thesis statement ideas

110 Racism Essay Topics

Racism is an emotionally charged subject for many people, yet its historical and cultural impact cannot be understated. This makes racism topics one of the more challenging essays to compose. As the author, you run the risk of inflaming the reader when the goal is to connect with them in a way that generates awareness or potentially invites them to reexamine their opinion.

One of the best ways to compose an essay about a racist topic is to look for an idea that you can defend with valid arguments, research, and sound justifications. This is especially important if you are trying to persuade the reader to adopt your point of view.

Tips For Writing a Racism Topic Essay

The following tips and structural recommendations can help guide you through the process of writing a successful essay about racism. The process starts with thoroughly researching the topic at hand, which can be challenging if you already have a strong opinion about the topic. Though thoroughly research will better arm you to make a strong and well-supported argument.

Pay Attention

When writing an essay about a racist topic it is often best to use a third-person point of view. This makes it easier for you to present the argument objectively, while also reducing the risk of the reader becoming emotionally charged about the topic. If you need to offer up supporting facts in your argument, make sure to quote them directly. Be sure to include all key information including the name of the person or institution that provided the information. This makes it clear that you are not stating your own personal opinion or influence.

The structure of an essay on racism should follow the typical five-paragraph structure used by many successful essays. This includes an introduction with a strong thesis statement, as well as three supporting paragraphs in the body of the essay, and a strong conclusion. It’s important that each of the body paragraphs, each one should have its own distinct point and they should flow in a way that offers up evidence to support your opinion.

Introduction

The introduction of your essay on racism should directly state the topic while also offering up a potential answer. Ideally, you want to address the reader directly to engage them in expanding their awareness of the topic or potentially reexamining their own point of view. It helps to use authoritative language without sounding inflammatory or derogatory. You want the reader to feel that you are talking to them not down at them.

The last sentence of two of your introduction needs to include a strong “Thesis Statement.” This should be a sentence or two that support the topic. It should also flow into the first point you will cover in the first body paragraph.

Body Paragraphs

The first paragraph of your racism essay needs to connect to the thesis statement while also offering supporting evidence. Ideally, you want to use a connecting phrase such as “One of the root causes of this,” or “New research indicates.” You then need to follow up this statement with an outside quote or a relevant, credible source. The end of your first body paragraph should also have a statement that leads to the second paragraph.

The second paragraph of your essay on racism should offer up a second supporting piece of evidence to clearly identify it as a separate entity. It’s best to use transition words at the start of the second paragraph such as “Next” “In addition,” or “Another cause is.” Then finish the second paragraph with a statement that helps it transition to your third point.

Your third body paragraph should also start with a transition phrase. This paragraph should also note the consequences that could arise if the racism topic is not addressed conscientiously. This paragraph should also end with a sentence or two that links to the conclusion.

The conclusion of your essay on racism needs to have an assertive tone without being aggressive. The goal is to win the reader over to your original thesis and include a “Call to action” or a “Call to Reexamine.” You want to invite the reader to consider the topic in an objective way that wins them over to your original point of view.

Choosing the right topic for your racism essay can be challenging. Such an emotionally charged genre can stir up feelings of controversy that have the potential to overwhelm the sound reasons behind it. If you are struggling to choose an essay topic, you might want to peruse the following list to see if there are one or two that you can connect with.

Historical Topics

  • Did President Obama’s legacy open the door for more African American Presidents in the future?
  • Is Michelle Obama one of the most beloved first ladies of all time?
  • The legacy of George Washington Carver.
  • Why do so many African American’s still bear their slave-owners’ last names?
  • The legacy of Malcolm X.
  • The legacy of Muhamad Ali.
  • Why is it easier for Bruce Jenner to change his name, but so hard for Cassius Clay?
  • The legacy of Native American boarding schools
  • General Custer’s folly.
  • The legacy left behind by Japanese internment camps.
  • Are white males being discriminated against due to the sins of their ancestors?
  • The legacy left by the murder of Emmitt Till?
  • Should Mamie Till be honored more during Black History Month?
  • Should the living descendants of freed slaves be paid reparations today?
  • Did unfettered alcoholism in the Mid-Atlantic South play a role in the brutality of slavery?
  • Should Sally Hemmings have been named a part of Thomas Jefferson’s estate?
  • Should the German people of today pay reparation to Israel for the Holocaust?
  • The lasting legacy of Harriet Tubman.
  • Does the infidelity of Martin Luther King Jr. diminish his historical legacy on the fight for racial justice?
  • Has the Diaspora strengthened or weakened the Armenia heritage & culture?
  • Did the sexual revolution of the 1960s help to bridge the gap between Caucasian and African American women?
  • Have the Tuskegee Airmen and other African American units in World War Two received the recognition they deserve?
  • Who were the most influential leaders of the Black Power movement?
  • Was European Colonialism and the Triangle Trade the driving force of racism in the New World?
  • Should Memorials & Statues of Confederate Leaders be torn down or preserved to immortalize the follies of the past?
  • How did Apartheid influence the economy of South Africa?
  • Do the works of Charles Darwin promote racism or dispel it?
  • If they had been alive during that time, do you think Southern Presidents of the United States like Thomas Jefferson would have supported the Confederacy during the Civil War?
  • Was Andrew Johnson’s failure to rebuild the South after the Civil War a root cause that kept racism alive.
  • Why was there such a delay in making Juneteenth a Federally recognized holiday?

Current Cultural Racism Topics

  • Does change the names of sports franchises like Washington DC’s football team, and Cleveland baseball team dimmish the historical legacy of their franchises?
  • Does African American’s using the “N-Word” keep the slur alive in our modern vernacular.
  • Is Dave Chapelle a racist, activist, or just an entertainer?
  • Should Richard Pryor be remembered during black history month?
  • Should violence against Jewish people be considered a hate crime?
  • Is the Confederate Flag a symbol of racism or a historical relic?
  • Was the Dukes of Hazard a racist TV series?
  • Has the legacy of George Floyd helped reduce incidents of police brutality?
  • Do protests on racial injustice go too far when community looting and arson occur?
  • Should the descendants of Native Hawaiians be given the same rights & land as Native Americans on the Mainland?
  • Was OJ Simpson’s acquittal in the murder of Nicole Brown influenced by his race?
  • Did the murder of George Floyd replace the legacy of the Rodney King riots of 1992?
  • Should slander remarks made about Jewish people be classified as “Hate Speech.”
  • Is toxic black masculinity real?
  • Are ethnic foodways discriminated against to the same degree as differences in ethnicity?

Sports & Athletics

  • The impact of Jackie Robinson’s legacy on professional sports.
  • Should college coaches who have a history of mistreating players based on their race be banned from employment in professional sports?
  • The majority of football, baseball, and basketball players are of African American descent, yet there is only a small percentage of minority coaches in the major sports, why?
  • Is enough being done to create pipelines for people of color to hold executive positions in professional sports?
  • Should the song Lift Every Voice & Sing be sung at all major sporting events along with the US National anthem?
  • Is enough being done to create a pipeline for Asian athletes to play on sports teams that are predominantly white or African American?
  • Should more Caucasian professional athletes use their platform to fight racism?
  • Is there wage discrimination based on race in professional sports?
  • Does racism exist in European sports the way it is in American Sports?
  • Is Joe Louis as recognized for breaking boxing’s color barrier as Jackie Robinson is for breaking baseball’s color barrier?
  • Should Critical Race Theory be taught in schools?
  • Does the current education system contribute to the school-to-prison pipeline?
  • Is enough being done to prohibit hate speech in public schools?
  • Should private schools be allowed to set their own rules regarding discrimination, hate speech, and racism within their walls?
  • Did the Supreme Court rule correctly in Brown vs the Board of Education?
  • Do schools in predominantly white communities have better access to technology and education resources compared to schools in communities that are predominantly populated by people of color?
  • Should school plays that portray Civil War Confederate Heroes like Robert E. Lee be banned?
  • Does decreased access to technology affect the academic performance of children of color?
  • What is the “Banality of Racism” in education?
  • Was segregating the schools by race a good idea with the bad implementation or a bad idea on the whole?

Entertainment Topics

  • Is the movie White Men Can’t Jump racist?
  • What is the underlying message of American History X?
  • Will the TV series Roots have the same cultural impact on the next generation as it has on the current generation?
  • What was the cultural influence of William Shatner kissing Nichelle Nichols?
  • Does the use of the “N-Word” in movies promote its use in real-life?
  • Are there racial barriers in Hollywood, Oscars & Academy Awards?
  • Do Caucasian actors need to demonstrate more allyship in the entertainment industry?
  • Should actors with antisemitic behavior, like Mel Gibson, be banned by the screen actors guild?
  • Do actors and celebrities have a duty to allyship against racism as part of their platform?
  • Is there an active bias against casting minorities in movies and TV shows?

Ethical Topics on Racism

  • Why is racism considered immoral today, but wasn’t before the mid-1800s?
  • Are the protests of Black Lives Matter helping to end racism or entrenching racists from seeing the error of their ways?
  • Should racism be considered a form of mental illness?
  • Is Islamophobia a form of racism or a legitimate phobia?
  • Is the term “Third World” a racist term, or simply outdated jargon?
  • Is Allyship a critical component for ending racism in the long term?
  • If you see a hate crime being committed are you morally obligated to try to stop it?
  • Is the term “Irishness” another form of racism?
  • Is the differentiation of cultural differences and folkways a form of racism?
  • How has aboriginal racism affected the history of Australia?
  • Is social kin bias the underlying cause of racism?
  • Is the Ancient Greek philosophy of barbarism an influential force on racism today?
  • Do Christians have an ethical duty to speak out against antisemitism?
  • In a community where lynching has occurred, are the people who fail to act to prevent it morally culpable as accessories to the crime?
  • Is it the responsibility of the community to oust hate groups like the Klu Klux Klan?

Racism in the Legal System

  • African American males are 10 times more likely to resist arrest than Caucasian males, is this due to them essentially resisting police brutality, or are other factors at play?
  • What is the driving force of racial police brutality?
  • Is defunding the police an effective way to end racial police brutality?
  • Does police brutality exist for other ethnicities other than African Americans?
  • Do prisons treat Caucasians differently than other ethnic groups?
  • Should prisons be segregated by race?
  • What can be done to create pathways for more minority judges to take the bench?
  • Does Islamophobia separate minority populations in prison?
  • Is enough being done in the legal system to deter and punish hate crimes?
  • Should there be a zero-tolerance policy for racially biased police brutality?

Social Media Topics

  • Does social media have a positive or negative effect on racism?
  • Does TikTok allow racist behavior on their platform challenges?
  • Does social kin bias affect racist behavior on social media
  • Should social media ban using their platforms to organize racist gatherings
  • Twitter has become a platform for racist messaging without consequences to the user or Twitter as a company.
  • Should there be a filter for memes that contain racist messaging?
  • Would banning racist messaging on social media be a violation of the right to free speech?
  • Has the rise of social media allowed racism to spread beyond traditional regional borders?
  • Should there be stronger laws against hate speech geared to limit the influence of social media?
  • Would the murder of George Floyd have gained national and even international attention without the influence of social media?

These are 110 rasism essay topic ideas that we have prepared for you. We hope that you find our list useful for your work.

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40+ Argumentative Essay Topics on Racism Worth Exploring

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by  Antony W

April 21, 2023

Argumentative Essay Topics on Racism

The first step to write an essay on racism is to select the right topic to explore.

You then have to take a stance based on your research and use evidence to defend your position.

Even in a sensitive issue of racial discrimination, you have to consider the counterarguments highly likely to arise and address them accordingly. 

The goal of this list post is to give you some topic ideas that you can consider and explore.   We’ve put together 30+ topic ideas, so it should be easy to find an interesting issue to explore.

What is Racism?  

Racism is the conviction that we can credit capacities and qualities to individuals based on their race, color, ethnicity, or national origin. It can take the form of prejudice, hatred, and discrimination, and it can happen in any place and at any time.

Racism goes beyond the act of harassment and abuse. It stretches further to violence, intimidation, and exclusion from important group activities.

This act of judgment, prejudice, and discrimination easily reveal itself in the way we interact with people and our attitude towards them.

Some forms of racism , like looking at a person’s place of origin through a list of job applications, may not be obvious, but they play a part in preventing people or particular group from enjoying the dignity and equality of the benefits of life simply because they are different.

Argumentative Essay Topics on Racism  

  • Is racism a type of mental illness in the modern society?
  • Barrack Obama’s legacy hasn’t helped to improve the situation of racism in the United States of America
  • The women’s movement of the 1960s did NOT unite black and white women
  • Will racism eventually disappear on its own?
  • Is there a cure for racism?
  • There’s no sufficient evidence to prove that Mexicans are racists
  • Is the difference in skin color the cause of racism in the western world?
  • Racism isn’t in everyone’s heart
  • Racism is a toxic global disease
  • Will the human race ever overcome racial prejudice and discrimination?
  • Can a racist be equally cruel?
  • Should racism be a criminal offense punishable by death without the possibility of parole?
  • Are racists more principled than those who are not?
  • Can poor upbringing cause a person to become a racist?
  • Is it a crime if you’re a racist?
  • Can racism lead to another World War?
  • The government can’t stop people from being racists
  • Cultural diversity can cure racism
  • All racists in the world have psychological problems and therefore need medical attention
  • Can the government put effective measures in place to stop its citizens from promoting racism?
  • Can a racist president rule a country better than a president who is not a racist?
  • Should white and black people have equal rights?
  • Can cultural diversity breed racism?
  • Is racism a bigger threat to the human race?
  • Racism is common among adults than it is among children
  • Should white people enjoy more human rights than black people should?
  • Is the disparity in the healthcare system a form of racial discrimination?
  • Racial discrimination is a common thing in the United States of America
  • Film industries should be regulated to help mitigate racism
  • Disney movies should be banned for promoting racism
  • Should schools teach students to stand against racism?
  • Should parents punish their children for manifesting racist traits?
  • Is racism the root of all evil?
  • Can dialogue resolve the issue of racism?
  • Is the seed of racism sown in our children during childhood?
  • Do anti-racist movements help to unite people of different colors and race to fight racism?
  • Do religious doctrines promote racism?
  • There are no psychological health risks associated with racism
  • Can movements such as Black Lives Matter stop racism in America?
  • Do anti-racist movements help people to improve their self-esteem?
  • Racism is against religious beliefs
  • Can teaching children to treat each other equally help to promote an anti-racist world?

We understand that racism is such a controversial topic. However, it’s equally an interesting area to explore. If you wish to write an essay on racism but you have no idea where to start, you can pay for argumentative essay from Help for Assessment to do some custom writing for you.

If you hire Help for Assessment, our team will choose the most suitable topic based on your preference. In addition to conducting extensive research, we’ll choose a stance we can defend, and use strong evidence to demonstrate why your view on the subject is right. Get up to 15% discount here .

Is it Easy to Write an Argumentative Essay on Racism?

Racism is traumatic and a bad idea, and there must never be an excuse for it.

As controversial as the issue is, you can write an essay that explores this aspect and bring out a clear picture on why racism is such a bad idea altogether.

With that said, here’s a list of some argumentative essay topics on racism that you might want to consider for your next essay assignment.

How to Make Your Argumentative Essay on Racism Great 

The following are some useful writing tips that you can use to make your argumentative essay on racism stand out:

Examine the Historical Causes of Racism 

Try to dig deeper into the topic of racism by looking at historical causes of racial discrimination and prejudices.

Look at a number of credible sources to explore the connection between racism and salve trade, social developments, and politics.

Include these highlights in your essay to demonstrate that you researched widely on the topic before making your conclusion.

Demonstrate Critical Thinking 

Go the extra mile and talk about the things you believe people often leave out when writing argumentative essays on racism.

Consider why racial discrimination and prejudices are common in the society, their negative effects, and who benefits the most from racial policies.

Adding such information not only shows your instructor that you did your research but also understand the topic better.

Show the Relationship between Racism and Social Issues 

There’s no denying that racism has a strong connection with many types of social issues, including homophobia, slavery, and sexism.

Including these links, where necessary, and explaining them in details can make your essay more comprehensive and therefore worth reading.

related resources

  • Argumentative Essay Topics on Medicine
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About the author 

Antony W is a professional writer and coach at Help for Assessment. He spends countless hours every day researching and writing great content filled with expert advice on how to write engaging essays, research papers, and assignments.

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List of great argumentative essay topics on racism [updated], bob cardens.

  • August 1, 2022
  • Essay Topics and Ideas , Samples

The social issues that we face today are more complex and multifaceted than ever before. And, as a result, there are a lot of great argumentative essay topics on racism. Here are just a few examples:

What You'll Learn

Argumentative Essay Topics on Racism

  • How has institutional Racism affected the history of minority groups in the US? –
  • Should we consider Islamophobia racism?
  • Racism: Can we refer to it as a mental disorder?
  • Race: Does it serve any purpose in modern society?
  • How Racism impact the way Chinese American has been viewed.
  • Irishness: Should it be considered a show of racism?
  • Comic books: Can we consider it racist against black people?
  • How does Racism impact the way we view immigration? Description: In recent years, views of immigration in the United States have shifted with many Americans perceiving immigrants as a source of national prosperity, rather than an eminent burden
  • Racism Against Hispanics in America Description: One of the main challenges facing American society is racism. While the country is a multicultural society comprising of individuals from different cultures around the world, minority groups often face discrimination in the form hate crimes and racist comments. Although the issue of racism affects all minorities.
  • African American males are 10 times more likely to resist arrest than Caucasian males, is this due to them essentially resisting police brutality, or are other factors at play?
  • What is the driving force of racial police brutality?
  • Is defunding the police an effective way to end racial police brutality?
  • Racism. Discrimination and racial inequality. Essay Description: Today, everyone wants to reap the benefits of a diverse workforce. However, racism continues to be a major challenge to achieving this goal.
  • Prejudice towards ladies in hijab: Is it baseless?
  • Racism: Is it rooted in fear?
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Argumentative Essay Ideas on Racism

  • Does police brutality exist for other ethnicities other than African Americans?
  • Do prisons treat Caucasians differently than other ethnic groups?
  • Should prisons be segregated by race?
  • Educational Institutions take to Address Systemic Racism Description: Racism is a social issue that has existed for a long time, causing chaos among people from various races. It refers to discriminating against a person based on skin colour and ethnicity. Systematic racism, sometimes called institutional racism, refers to racism embedded in the regulations.
  • What countries are the most racist in the EU?
  • Do you agree with the statement, “there will always be color racism?”
  • Prejudice and racism: Are they the same thing?
  • What can be done to create pathways for more minority judges to take the bench?
  • Does Islamophobia separate minority populations in prison?
  • Is enough being done in the legal system to deter and punish hate crimes?
  • Should there be a zero-tolerance policy for racially biased police brutality?
  • Racial Discrimination: How We Can Face Racism Description: One of the most effective approaches to face racism and defeat it is through teaching the people its detrimental effects and how each one of us can be an agent of change. (Argumentative Essay Topics on Racism)

Theories of race and racism in an Administration of Justice, Criminal Justice race, gender and Class

These are just a few examples – there are literally endless possibilities when it comes to racism that you can write about in an argumentative essay . So, if you’re looking for some inspiration, don’t hesitate to check out these Research Paper Ideas on Racism with prompts!

Research Paper Ideas on Racism with prompts

  • Xenophobia, Racism and Alien Representation in District 9 Prompt: The term alien has many connotations for different people, from the scientific theory and sci-fi representations of extra-terrestrial life to the resurgence in modern society of legal uses regarding immigration. In popular culture these uses can often coincide whether metaphorical, allegorical, or explicit.
  • White and Black Team in Remember the Titans Prompt: Reducing prejudice essentially entails changing the values and beliefs by which people live. For many reasons, this is difficult. The first is that the ideals and expectations of individuals are also a long-standing pillar of their psychological stability.
  • Transformation of the American Government and “Tradition of Exclusion” Prompt: The United States of America is a country known for its pride in its democratic government, where the American Dream encourages everyone to strive for the very best. That rhetoric is deeply rooted in every aspect of life in this country from its conception until…
  • This is America: Oppression in America in Glover’s Music Video Prompt: A common topic we see in our society is the debate of gun control in America. It has been an ongoing argument due to the mass of shootings in schools, churches, nightclubs, etc. The number of shootings has only been increasing over the years.
  • Theory of Slavery as a Kind of Social Death Prompt: The Orlando theory of slavery as a social death is among the first and major type of full-scale comparative study that is attached to different slavery aspects.
  • The Review of the Glory Road Prompt: Glory Road is an American sports drama film directed by James Gartner, in view of a genuine story encompassing the occasions of the 1966 NCAA University Division Basketball Championship. It was released on 13th January 2006.
  • The Relationship Between Racism and the Ideology of Progress Prompt: Through the years, as a result of the two world wars and the Great Depression, the term progress and the meaning attached to it greatly suffered.
  • The Racial Discrimination in Bob Dylan’s Song Prompt: President John F. Kennedy delivered a powerful message to the American People on June 11th of 1963, calling Congress to view civil rights as a moral obligation instead of a legal issue.
  • The People Segregation by Society in Divergent Prompt: It is clear that the society in Divergent places unrealistic limits on its members identities from the beginning of the book. Segregating different personality types into different factions not only has consequences on society but on the individual.
  • The Influence of Racial Or Ethnic Discrimination a Person’s Self-concept Prompt: Discrimination and prejudiced attitudes are assumed to be damaging aspects of society. The research presents the cognitive, emotional, and social damages related to experiencing discrimination. This research proposal focuses on determining the impacts of prejudice and how it negatively affects an individual. (Argumentative Essay Topics on Racism)
  • Find out more on  Argumentative Essay Topics About Social Media [Updated]

Racism research paper  outline

The social issues that we face today are more complex and multifaceted than ever before. And, as a result, there are a lot of great argumentative essay topics on racism. Here are just a few examples: racism research paper outline

Research Questions on Racism

  • Have you seen the video of George Floyd’s death? What was your reaction to it? How did it make you feel?
  • How would you define racism?
  • How have you experienced racism towards yourself or others? How did it make you feel?
  • Has anyone ever assumed something about you because of the color or your skin? If so, explain.
  • Have you ever assumed something about someone else because of the color of their skin? If so, explain.
  • Has anyone ever called you the “N” word or referred to others in that way while you were present? If so, please share what happened.
  • Why do you think racism exists in today’s society? How do you think it will affect your future?
  • How has the police brutality and the protests/demonstrations impacted you on a personal level?
  • Do you feel your relationship with God makes you better equipped to handle all that is going within society concerning race? Why or why not?
  • Do you think it is important to celebrate the differences in people? Why or why not?
  • Is it important to have oneness in Christ or sameness in Christ? Explain. Do you think there is a difference between the two? Explain.
  • How do you think we can move forward and carry out racial reconciliation as a society?

Great Racism Research Paper Topics

  • What are the effects of racism on society?
  • How can we stop racism from spreading in contemporary society?
  • The mental underpinnings of racism
  • How does racism impact a person’s brain?
  • Amounts of racism in various social groups
  • The importance of socialization in racial and ethnic groups
  • How does racial tension affect social interactions?
  • The following are some ideas for essays on racism and ethnicity in America.
  • Interethnic conflict in the United States and other countries
  • Systematic racism exists in America.
  • Racism is prevalent in American cities.
  • The rise of nationalism and xenophobia in America.
  • Postcolonial psychology essay topics for Native Americans
  • Latin American musical ethnography issues.
  • Legacy of Mesoamerican Civilizations
  • Endangered Native American languages
  • What steps are American businesses taking to combat racism?
  • The role of traditionalism in contemporary Latin American society
  • Ethnopolitical conflicts and their resolutions are good topics for African American research papers.
  • The prevalence of racism in hate crimes in the US.
  • Latin America Today: Religion, Celebration, and Identity
  • National politics of African Americans in contemporary America.

Good racism essay topics:

  • Why Should We Consider Race to Understand Fascism?
  • The Racial Problem in America
  • Postwar Race and Gender Histories: The Color of Sex
  • The Relevance of Race in Fascism Understanding
  • Cases of Racial Discrimination in the Workplace in the United States
  • Problems with Gender, Race, and Sexuality in Modern Society
  • “Frankie and Alice”: Race and Mental Health
  • The history of immigration, race, and labor in America
  • Power and racial symbolism in Coetzee’s “Disgrace.”
  • In America, race and educational attainment are related.
  • Race to the Top: The Early Learning Challenge
  • Social learning, critical racial theory, and feminist theories
  • Minority Crime and Race in the United States
  • Racial, ethnic, and gender diversity in society
  • Documentary series “Race: The Power of an Illusion.”

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Origins of Racial Discrimination Thesis

The history of racial discrimination should not be determined by slavery only as its origins expand in time and forms, including ancient civilizations’ differences, religious and geographical diversity, and political regimes, affecting American society.

Annotated Bibliography

Bailey, Z. D., Feldman, J. M., & Bassett, M. T. (2021). How structural racism works – Racist policies as a root cause of US racial health inequities. New England Journal of Medicine, 384 (8), 768-773.

In their article published in 2021, Bailey et al. define racism as a durable feature of American society and underline the importance of understanding its structural basis. American police continue killing civilians of the color of their skin more often than in other countries. Racist policies founded in the 18 th century became the root cause of inequalities in health care, education, and other spheres. Despite such limitations as statistical data being left out, I will use this article to support the historical evaluation of racism in the United States and add ineffective policing to the origins of racism.

Bowser, B. P. (2017). Racism: Origin and theory. Journal of Black Studies, 48 (6), 572-590.

In 2017, Bowser introduced a review of racial discrimination as a concept with its specific theoretical development. Being coined at the beginning of the 20 th century, racism was significantly revised in the 1930s (antisemitism) and the 1960s (civil rights activists). Race relations are never simple, and activist movements prove the burden of racism in America. The theory of racism has to be reconsidered from the point of view of European Americans and White elites. I will add this study to my list even if it is limited to theoretical aspects only, as it contains the analysis of historical events that represent institutional and cultural racism.

Hanchard, M. G. (2018). The specter of race: How discrimination haunts western democracy . Princeton University Press.

This book by Hanchard was published in 2018 to examine various democratic institutions that lead to unequal and questionable ideas like slavery or discrimination. Racial hierarchies and social movements were rooted in ancient Greece, the Persian Wars, and Athenian culture and were based on religious beliefs. The author leaves statistics and current examples out but focuses on past political events and racial regimes to define the origins of racial discrimination in America. I will use Hanchard’s findings to strengthen my historical evaluation of the topic.

Mejia, R., Beckermann, K., & Sullivan, C. (2018). White lies A racial history of the (post) truth. Communication and Critical/Cultural Studies, 15 (2), 109-126.

The results of the 2016 presidential elections provoked Mejia et al. to create an article about racial amnesia and publish it in 2018. The authors want to clarify why racial concepts denied years ago become acceptable today and use the post-truth concept. I will rely on the findings of this article to show how general ignorance about black experiences affects American politics and society. Although this work is limited to one election, attention to the Marxist approach and historical materialism reveals critical racial histories.

Rattansi, A. (2021). Racism: A very short introduction (2 nd ed). Oxford University Press.

In 2021, Rattansi published a book to show that racism is not only a social problem with its roots in wrong decisions and injustice. The author explains the origins of racism from biological, cultural, and political perspectives and offers extensive discussions about the topic. I find this book a good source for my study as it discusses cultural and color-blind forms of racism and Islamophobia as reasons for racial discrimination.

Seth, V. (2020). The origins of racism: A critique of the history ideas. History and Theory, 59 (3), 343-368.

In 2020, Seth created the article to criticize the history of racial ideas and the origins of racism globally. The goal is to introduce the analysis of ancient, medieval, and early modern events and show that contemporary politics become the origins of current racial problems. This article will be used in my future project to show that past experiences are not always as critical as current decisions.

Small, M. L., & Pager, D. (2020). Sociological perspectives on racial discrimination. Journal of Economic Perspectives, 34 (2), 49-67.

Small and Pager published their article in 2020 to demonstrate that historic discrimination has serious consequences in today’s society. Although their study is limited to the 19 th century only, the recognition of the real estate and federal law’s impact on race relationships makes this source current and valuable. I will read the article to add several economic factors as the origins of racial discrimination in America.

Bowser, B. P. (2017). Racism: Origin and theory . Journal of Black Studies, 48 (6), 572-590.

Mejia, R., Beckermann, K., & Sullivan, C. (2018). White lies A racial history of the (post) truth . Communication and Critical/Cultural Studies, 15 (2), 109-126.

Seth, V. (2020). The origins of racism: A critique of the history ideas . History and Theory, 59 (3), 343-368.

Small, M. L., & Pager, D. (2020). Sociological perspectives on racial discrimination . Journal of Economic Perspectives, 34 (2), 49-67.

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  • Tutorial Review
  • Open access
  • Published: 20 December 2021

Systemic racism: individuals and interactions, institutions and society

  • Mahzarin R. Banaji 1 ,
  • Susan T. Fiske   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-1693-3425 2 &
  • Douglas S. Massey 2  

Cognitive Research: Principles and Implications volume  6 , Article number:  82 ( 2021 ) Cite this article

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Systemic racism is a scientifically tractable phenomenon, urgent for cognitive scientists to address. This tutorial reviews the built-in systems that undermine life opportunities and outcomes by racial category, with a focus on challenges to Black Americans. From American colonial history, explicit practices and policies reinforced disadvantage across all domains of life, beginning with slavery, and continuing with vastly subordinated status. Racially segregated housing creates racial isolation, with disproportionate costs to Black Americans’ opportunities, networks, education, wealth, health, and legal treatment. These institutional and societal systems build-in individual bias and racialized interactions, resulting in systemic racism. Unconscious inferences, empirically established from perceptions onward, demonstrate non-Black Americans’ inbuilt associations: pairing Black Americans with negative valences, criminal stereotypes, and low status, including animal rather than human . Implicit racial biases (improving only slightly over time) imbed within non-Black individuals’ systems of racialized beliefs, judgments, and affect that predict racialized behavior. Interracial interactions likewise convey disrespect and distrust. These systematic individual and interpersonal patterns continue partly due to non-Black people’s inexperience with Black Americans and reliance on societal caricatures. Despite systemic challenges, Black Americans are more diverse now than ever, due to resilience (many succeeding against the odds), immigration (producing varied backgrounds), and intermarriage (increasing the multiracial proportion of the population). Intergroup contact can foreground Black diversity, resisting systemic racism, but White advantages persist in all economic, political, and social domains. Cognitive science has an opportunity: to include in its study of the mind the distortions of reality about individual humans and their social groups.

Introduction

Significance.

American racial biases persist over time and permeate (a) institutional structures, (b) societal structures, (c) individual mental structures, (d) everyday interaction patterns. Systemic racism operates with or without intention and with or without awareness. But because these responses are based on socially defined racial categories, they are racialized, and because they are negative, they reveal the roots of racism. At the level of most behavior, they are also controllable, even if many non-Black people rarely notice these relentless patterns. Systemic racism is a unified arrangement of racial differentiation and discrimination across generations. Understanding these formidable challenges is necessary to understand and then dismantle them. Cognitive science can illuminate the fine-grained levels of inbuilt racial bias because it has the methods and the theories to do so. Moreover, studying racial bias is interesting; it will improve the science; and it is the obvious path to ensuring a mutually respectful, peaceful society that flourishes economically, politically, and socially.

At the Editor’s invitation, this article presents the social and behavioral science of systemic racism to a cognitive science audience. The tutorial defines systemic racism, describes its origins in US history, shows how the resulting racialized societal structures have become built-in cognitive structures that propagate in social interactions, resisting change. But these very societal-cognitive-social features can also be agents for change.

Systemic racism is said to occur when racially unequal opportunities and outcomes are inbuilt or intrinsic to the operation of a society’s structures. Simply put, systemic racism refers to the processes and outcomes of racial inequality and inequity in life opportunities and treatment. Systemic racism permeates a society’s (a) institutional structures (practices, policies, climate), (b) social structures (state/federal programs, laws, culture), (c) individual mental structures (e.g., learning, memory, attitudes, beliefs, values), and (d) everyday interaction patterns (norms, scripts, habits). Systemic racism not only operates at multiple levels, it can emerge with or without animus or intention to harm and with or without awareness of its existence. Its power derives from its being integrated into a unified system of racial differentiation and discrimination that creates, governs, and adjudicates opportunities and outcomes across generations. Racism represents the biases of the powerful (Jones, 1971 ), as the biases of the powerless have little consequence (Fiske, 1993 ). Footnote 1

We highlight the “inbuilt” aspect of systemic racism to be its signature feature and the touchstone necessary to understand the nature of systemic racism and its resistance to awareness and change. We begin with the concept’s more traditional domains: institutional and societal systems. Then, given the current venue, we expand the levels of analysis to include individual mental systems that have built in those systems of inequalities. We close with the interaction of those minds in social behavior, which can either maintain or change racial systems.

Institutions and Society . As the first section explains, the term systemic racism has traditionally referred to systems that uphold racism via institutional power (Feagin, 2006 ), with stark examples of what is also called institutional racism (Jones, 1972 ) visible in inequities in housing and lending, as well as more broadly in access to finance, education, healthcare, and justice. This section focuses on the institutional level in depth, as it provides the strongest evidence of systemic racism. At an even more macro s ocietal level, however, the inbuilt aspect of systemic racism is evident in race-based demarcations created by large-scale state and federal programs, which offer levers either to increase or decrease systemic racism. To remain within the scope of the paper, we consider the structures of institutional and societal racism in a single section.

Individuals and Interactions . In tandem with the previous section, this section focuses on individual bias and interactional racism, together bringing into view the inbuilt nature of systemic racism. To expand on this inclusive view of systemic racism, we end by reviewing what we know about the individual human being, alone and interacting with others. Individuals are agentic entities, the primary actors within all systems of life and living. Their attitudes (preferences, prejudices), beliefs (stereotypes), and behaviors (discrimination) are inbuilt or intrinsically enmeshed into the foundation of the mental systems that feed systemic racism. At the individual level, “inbuilt” refers to the common psychological processes that represent race in the minds of individuals. This evidence reveals systemic race bias.

Note that, here, we use slightly different terms: Systemic Racism refers to much of the sociological, demographic, and historic material as well as anything in the psychological section that is explicit and conscious racism. Systemic Race Bias is about implicit cognition—people who may not be aware of the harm they may cause. Implicit race bias does not mean a person is a racist. In this view, keeping racism and bias separate as terms seems advisable. Others view even unexamined racism as systemic racism in its individual manifestation. Each section elaborates on the meaning of racism in that context.

Individual racial bias propagates through both face-to-face and virtual interactions within families, classrooms, playfields, and workplaces, both verbally and non-verbally. Individual minds create and consume racial representations in books, social media, and entertainment. Footnote 2 We focus here on everyday interactions that convey disrespect and distrust of Black Americans.

Why? Role for psychological science in studying systemic racism

Individual humans are the creators and consumers of thoughts, feelings, and behaviors, but also the policies and practices that lie at the heart of systemic racism. Psychology as a field has historically remained silent on the topic of systemic racism, per se (e.g., Guthrie, 2004 , “Even the rat was white”; for exceptions, see: Jones, 1971 ; DuBois, 1925 ). Perhaps psychologists have regarded systemic racism to be a form of institutional racism and hence in the bailiwick of social scientists who study institutions and society, not individuals. Nonetheless, we attempt here to include individual minds and face-to-face interaction as playing a role. This goal has precedents: Early scholars who straddled disciplines, such as George Herbert Mead ( 1934 , p. 174), would likely find our attempt to be quite compatible with his stance that mind and society must be considered in intertwined fashion.

Today, psychologists are increasingly attempting to bridge the divide between the individual mind and society. Cultural psychology, for example, has attempted to analyze racism as the “budding product of psychological subjectivity and the structural foundation for dynamic reproduction of racist action” (Salter, Adams & Perez, 2018 , p. 151). This dynamic can emerge in individual racist actions (with or without awareness) that are fitted into the structure of everyday life and perpetuate systemic racism. Interpersonal interactions bridge individual and collective representations of race. Individual minds, sharing some notions about each other’s salient identities (e.g., probable race, gender, age) treat each other according to social norms, cultural habits, and cultural scripts. In the case of race, these individual mental representations and social interaction patterns rarely benefit Black participants facing Whites.

“Inbuilt”: A useful metaphor guiding the essay

There are these two fish swimming along and they happen to meet an older fish swimming the other way, who nods at them and says ’Morning, boys. How’s the water?’ And the two young fish swim on for a bit, and then eventually one of them looks over at the other and goes ‘What the hell is water?’ Wallace, 2009

The fable highlights a simple idea—that the most fundamental feature of any system may be so completely pervasive that it ceases to be perceptible or when perceptible, fails to be recognized in its true form. This paradox creates a challenge for social and behavioral scientists, who must not only generate evidence about the complexities of systemic racism, but we must also confront unthinking rejection of that evidence. Other scientists face similar challenges in documenting their own complex phenomena, such as the resistance faced by the theory of evolution or the denial of evidence about climate change.

In most cases, evidence eventually reaches a tipping point, after which it ceases to be denied and even becomes sufficiently commonplace that its previous denial itself is puzzling. An easy example is the denial of scientific evidence about the position of the earth in the solar system and its shape, with few arguments today (but not zero!) about a flat earth. However, we are far from that tipping point of knowledge and acceptance when it comes to the idea of systemic racism. This paper, then, is yet another attempt, by connecting across the individual, interactional, and institutional/societal levels, to shed light on its existence.

The obvious allegorical lesson from the fable about the fish is of course the ease of being ignorant of that which is pervasive. However, the fable also points out that not all the fish are ignorant of their surroundings. The older fish, swimming the same ocean as the young fish, seems to have figured out the truth about the substance that suffuses its environment so fully that it is imperceptible to its peers. Ignorance then, need not be the only guaranteed outcome, even when perception and awareness are hard. Hence, one section uses the term “unexamined” to describe controllable attention to or willful neglect of one’s own biases (see also Fiske, 1998 ). Social scientists commenting on resistance to socioeconomic inequality have used the term “clueless” (Williams, 2019 ), which is admittedly harsh but suggests that learning some facts would permit more evidence-based understanding. Regardless, the evidence for systemic racism, at the level of institutions and society or at the level of individuals and interactions, requires re-examining the taken-for-granted, whether the water we swim or the air we breathe.

Systemic racism: the role of institutional and societal structures

Contemporary societal racism rests on Black–White segregation, historical and current. This first substantive section presents evidence that systemic racism has long pervaded US institutional and societal systems—creating a context for the minds of individuals within these systems, enabling an omnipresent neglect. First, this section shows that continued housing segregation by race obstructs Black opportunity and mobility, perpetuating racial disparities, challenging many Black Americans in ways White Americans never experience (Massey, 2020 ). At a societal level, Black disadvantage and White advantage come in part from residential hypersegregation (Massey & Tannen, 2015 ). More than any other racial group, Whites live in racially isolated neighborhoods (Rugh & Massey, 2014 ); and in the US neighborhood segregation translates directly into school segregation (Massey & Tannen, 2016 ; Owens, 2020 ). Both segregation and local funding undermine the quality of predominantly Black schools.

To elaborate these points, this section describes the historical context for US racism, territory likely to be less familiar to cognitive scientists. Our takeaway: Systemic racism pervades US social institutions, policies, and practices; later sections show how the societal structures make into the minds of the humans within these systems.

History: segregation and systemic racism

To explain systemic racism, we start with the historical origins of race in the US—that is, the social/political/economic mechanisms that have maintained it over time. Race is baked into the history of the US going back to colonial times (Higginbotham, 1998 ; Jones, 1972 , 1997 ) and continuing through early independence when slavery was quietly written into the nation’s Constitution (Waldstreicher, 2009 ). Although the 13th, 14th, and 15th Amendments to the Constitution ended slavery and granted due process, equal protection, and voting rights to the formerly enslaved, efforts to combat systemic racism in the US faltered when Reconstruction collapsed in the disputed election of 1876, which triggered the withdrawal of federal troops from the South (Foner, 1990 ).

The absence of federal troops to enforce Black civil rights enabled states in the former Confederacy to construct a new system of racial subordination known as Jim Crow (Packard, 2003 ). It rested on a simple principle: in any social encounter, the lowest status White person was superior to the highest status Black person. By law and custom, Black voting rights were suppressed, and Black Americans were socially segregated from Whites, relegated to menial occupations, inferior schools, dilapidated housing, and deficient facilities throughout Southern society. Any challenges to the Jim Crow system, perceived or real, were met with violence, often lethal, both within and outside the legal system (Tolnay & Beck, 1995 ).

From 1876 to 1900, 90% of all African Americans lived in the South and were subject to the dictates of the repressive Jim Crow system; 83% lived in poor rural areas, occupying ramshackle dwellings clustered in small settlements in or near the plantations where they worked. Although conditions were somewhat better for the 10% of African Americans who lived outside the South (68% in cities), anti-Black prejudice was widespread, racial discrimination was common and, as in the South, the prospect of racial violence was never far away (Sugrue, 2008 ).

Before, 1900, few African Americans lived in cities, and levels of urban racial residential segregation were modest. Black workers and servants generally lived within walking distance of their workplaces, and social contact between the races was common (Massey & Denton, 1993 ). At that time, the share of Blacks among city residents was small, and they were not perceived to be a threat to White hegemony, obviating the need for spatial segregation. The Great Black Migration of the twentieth century changed this status quo and transformed race relations in the US, making race truly a national rather than regional issue (Lemann, 1991 ). This transformation also created a new system of racial subordination based on Black residential segregation.

Between 1900 and 1970, millions of African Americans left the rural South in search of better lives in industrializing cities throughout the nation. As a result of this migration, by 1970 nearly half of all African Americans had come to live outside the South, 90% in urban areas (Farley & Allen, 1987 ). It was during this period of Black urbanization that the ghetto emerged as a structural feature of American urbanism, making Black residential segregation into the linchpin of a new system of racial stratification that prevailed throughout the US irrespective of region (Pettigrew, 1979 ).

Black out-migration from the South began slowly at first, but accelerated after 1914, when the onset of the First World War curtailed the arrival of workers from Europe. It accelerated again after 1917, when the US entered the war, boosting labor demand as conscription drew workers out of the labor force. The imposition of strict immigration restrictions in 1921 and 1924 guaranteed that Black workers and their families would continue to pour into cities during the economic boom of the 1920s (Wilkerson, 2010 ). The entry of ever-larger cohorts of impoverished Black laborers and sharecroppers into the nation’s cities unnerved White urbanites, prompting them to organize collectively by creating “neighborhood improvement associations.” These organizations pressured landlords not to rent to Black tenants and tried to convince Black home seekers that it was in their best interest to locate elsewhere, using persuasion and payoffs when possible but resorting to violence when these blandishments failed (Massey & Denton, 1993 ).

As the number of incoming Black migrants continued to rise despite these efforts, White city residents demanded that politicians act to “do something” about the perceived “Black invasion.” Officials in smaller towns and cities responded by enacting “sundown laws” that required all Blacks to leave town by sunset (Loewen, 2018 ). In large cities, legislators passed municipal ordinances that confined Black residents to a specific set of already disadvantaged neighborhoods and excluded them from all others. These ordinances were the functional equivalent of South Africa’s Group Areas Act, which underlay the establishment of that country’s apartheid system in, 1948. These ordinances were widely copied and were spreading rapidly from city to city when, in 1917, the Supreme Court declared them to be unconstitutional (Massey & Denton, 1993 ). Sundown laws, however, were never challenged in court and remained in force well into the Civil Rights Era.

The end of legally mandated neighborhood segregation in cities occurred just as Black migration surged in the aftermath of America’s entry into the First World War. The sudden influx of workers caused existing areas of Black settlement to fill up rapidly and eventually overflow into adjacent White areas, where the arrivals met with increasingly violent resistance. The violence peaked in the late teens as anti-Black race riots swept through the nation’s cities, culminating in the Great Chicago Race Riot of 1919 (Tuttle, 1970 ). Even established Black neighborhoods were not safe, as evidenced by the Tulsa Massacre of 1921, in which the prosperous Black neighborhood of Greenwood was systematically attacked and razed by mobs of White vigilantes, leaving thousands homeless and dozens, perhaps hundreds, killed (Madigan, 2001 ).

Shocked by the wanton destruction of property, the real estate industry moved to institutionalize racial discrimination in housing markets and assert control over the process of racial change in cities (Massey & Denton, 1993 ). In 1924, the National Association of Real Estate Brokers adopted a code of ethics stating that “a Realtor should never be instrumental in introducing into a neighborhood a character of property or occupancy, members of any race or nationality, or any individuals whose presence will clearly be detrimental to property values in that neighborhood” (Helper, 1969 , p. 201). In 1927, the Chicago Real Estate Board devised a model racial covenant to block the entry of Blacks into White neighborhoods and offered it to other cities for adoption throughout the country (Massey & Denton, 1993 ). A racial covenant is a private contract in which property owners within a defined geographic area collectively agree not to rent or sell to African Americans. Once approved by a majority of property owners, the contract became enforceable, and violators could be sued in civil court.

As the real estate industry gradually assumed control of racial change in urban areas, racial violence abated and neighborhood transitions from White to Black came to be managed professionally by realtors who sought to minimize confrontation and maximize profits. As Black migration continued throughout the 1920s, recognized Black neighborhoods steadily increased in density as housing units were divided and subdivided. Basements, garages, attics, and even closets were converted into rental units. Eventually, however, no more living space could be squeezed into the confines of the existing ghetto. Realtors then conspired to move the residential color line, selecting an adjacent neighborhood for racial transition and initiating an institutionalized process known as “block busting” (Philpott, 1978 ).

Realtors began the process by choosing a few poor Black families just arrived from the rural South and obviously unused to city ways to be placed strategically into selected units within the targeted neighborhood. Agents then moved through the neighborhood block by block warning residents of a pending Black “invasion.” Panic selling ensued, enabling realtors to purchase homes cheaply for subdivision into smaller apartments, which were then leased at inflated rents to African Americans desperate for living space. Owing to these institutionalized practices, Black segregation levels steadily climbed through the 1920s and ghetto areas gradually expanded their boundaries through the profitable management of neighborhood racial turnover by realtors (Massey & Denton, 1993 ).

The exclusively private auspices of Black residential segregation ended with the onset of the Great Depression in 1929. When Franklin Roosevelt came to power with his New Deal in 1933, the nation was in the midst of a catastrophic banking crisis. Millions of middle-class homeowners had lost jobs and were in danger of defaulting on their mortgages, putting both their homes and their bankers at financial risk. In response, the Roosevelt Administration created the Home Owners Loan Corporation (HOLC) to help middle class homeowners refinance their mortgages using long-term, federally insured, low-interest loans (Jackson, 1985 ). Together the federal guarantees and extended amortization periods reduced monthly mortgage payments to affordable levels, saving both the banks and the homeowners from financial losses through foreclosure.

To qualify for the federal guarantees, however, HOLC loans had to meet certain government-mandated criteria. In addition to low interest rates, minimal down payments, and long amortization periods, lenders were obliged to consider the riskiness of the neighborhoods in which properties were located. To this end, HOLC officials worked with local realtors and bankers to create a series of Residential Security Maps for use in cities throughout the nation. These maps color-coded neighborhoods according to their creditworthiness. Green indicated a safe investment, yellow indicated caution, and red indicated excessive risk and hence ineligibility for HOLC lending. Black neighborhoods were invariably coded red, along with adjacent neighborhoods perceived to be at risk of Black settlement (Rothstein, 2017 ).

The HOLC lending program only helped the minority of families that already owned homes, however, and in order to spread housing wealth to a wider population and create jobs in the real estate and construction industries, in 1934 the Roosevelt Administration created a much larger loan program under the Federal Housing Authority. The FHA offered long-term loans to prospective home buyers , not just owners. As before, federally guaranteed loans had to meet federally mandated criteria, which evinced a strong anti-urban bias. Specifically, they excluded from eligibility all multiunit buildings, attached dwellings, row houses, and structures containing a business. These provisions effectively restricted FHA loans to single family houses on large lots, thus channeling housing investment away from central cities toward vacant land on the urban fringes (Jackson, 1985 ).

Reflecting the prejudices of the realtors, bankers, and builders who helped to design the program, FHA underwriters were also required to make use of the HOLC’s Residential Security Maps, formally institutionalizing the practice of redlining in real estate and banking and systematically cutting off investment in Black neighborhoods for decades to come. The FHA Underwriter’s Manual explicitly stated that “if a neighborhood is to retain stability, it is necessary that properties shall continue to be occupied by the same social and racial classes.” In addition to requiring the use of Residential Security Maps, the manual went on to advocate the use of racial covenants to protect FHA-insured properties. When a parallel loan program was created in the Veterans Administration by the 1944 Servicemen’s Readjustment Act, it adopted the FHA’s racialized practices and procedures (Katznelson, 2006 ).

The anti-urban biases and discriminatory practices built into federal loan programs had little effect on housing patterns during the 1930s and 1940s owing to the tiny amount of new residential construction that occurred during the Great Depression and Second World War. In the postwar period, however, FHA and VA lending drove forward a massive wave of suburban home construction that made new homes widely accessible to White but not Black households. Given high rents and home prices in central cities owing to the influx of workers during the war years, in the late 1940s and early 1950s it was cheaper to buy a brand-new house in the suburbs than to rent an apartment in the city (Massey & Denton, 1993 ).

The end result was a government-subsidized mass exodus of middle and working class White families from central cities to suburbs, creating a distinctly American urban configuration of Black cities surrounded by White suburbs. The homes left behind by the departing Whites seeking their piece of the American Dream in the suburbs were quickly occupied by Black in-movers coming to the city to take jobs in the still-vibrant urban manufacturing sector. Neighborhood turnover accelerated, and the nation’s urban Black ghettos rapidly expanded, both demographically and geographically (Massey & Denton, 1993 ).

Although neighborhood transitions in the 1950s and 1960s improved Black access to housing in the short term, in the long term the neighborhoods turned into poverty traps. Because of redlining and racial discrimination built into housing and credit markets by federal policies and private practices, once a neighborhood became Black, it was cut off from investment, ensuring that its housing stock and business infrastructure would progressively deteriorate. It also left the Black middle class without a means to finance the purchase of homes, and predatory lenders stepped into the resulting void.

Drawing on their own capital, these lenders purchased homes and then offered to “sell” them to middle class Black families by means of Loan Installment Contracts (Satter, 2009 ). LICs were essentially rent-to-own schemes with high interest rates, bloated monthly payments, and no property rights or transfer of title until the final contract payment was made. Any missed payment could bring about immediate eviction by the property owner, no matter how long the aspiring family had been making payments under the contract.

Other predatory investors also purchased ghetto properties to become landlords, subdividing them into ever-smaller units and leasing them to poor and working class Black tenants at inflated rents (Massey & Denton, 1993 ). Whether city housing was being sold under an installment contract or rented on usurious terms, however, the absentee owners could not themselves get loans to offset depreciation or purchase insurance policies to protect their properties, creating a strong financial incentive for landlords to defer maintenance, minimize capital investment, and extract high rents as long as possible until the properties deteriorated to the point of becoming uninhabitable.

As Black ghettos expanded geographically during the 1950s and 1960s in cities such as New York, Chicago, Philadelphia, Detroit, Cleveland, and St. Louis, they ultimately came to encroach on zones in which White elites had place-bound investments in universities, hospitals, museums, and business districts. In desperation, local politicians and civic leaders turned to state and federal agencies for help. Drawing on funding from the National Housing Act, they created locally controlled Urban Renewal Authorities with the power of eminent domain, thereby enabling White interests to gain control of the Black neighborhoods threatening their place-bound investments (Bauman, 1987 ; Hirsch, 1983 ). Once in control of the land, they evicted the residents, razed their homes, and demolished neighborhood businesses, replacing them either with large-scale middle-class housing projects or institutional developments that strategically blocked the expansion of the ghetto toward the threatened White properties, prompting James Baldwin to quip that “urban renewal means Negro removal” (Dickinson, 1963 ).

Because of a “one-for-one rule” embedded within the National Housing Act, for every unit of housing torn down in the name of renewal, planners had to identify another unit into which the displaced tenants could theoretically move. To satisfy this rule, local elites once again turned to the federal government, garnering additional funds authorized by the National Housing Act to construct large public housing projects for families displaced by renewal. Given that the displaced families were Black, it was politically impossible to build the housing project in a White district, so another Black neighborhood was targeted for renewal and torn down to build dense collections of high-rise projects that now had to house two neighborhood’s worth of displaced families (Massey & Denton, 1993 ).

This pairing of urban renewal and public housing did not itself increase the level of Black residential segregation (Bickford & Massey, 1991 ). Segregation levels were already high in the cities where this pairing occurred; but it did dramatically increase the spatial concentration of poverty within the ghetto by replacing relatively class-diverse Black neighborhoods and business districts with tightly packed blocks of high-rise projects in which being poor was a criterion for entry, yielding neighborhood poverty rates of 90% or more (Massey & Kanaiaupuni, 1993 ).

By 1970, high levels of Black residential segregation were universal throughout metropolitan America (Massey & Denton, 1993 ). Footnote 3 As of 1970, 61% of Black Americans living in US metropolitan areas lived under a regime of hypersegregation (Massey & Tannen, 2015 ), a circumstance unique to Americans. Although in theory, segregation should have withered away after the Civil Rights Era, it has not. In 2010, the average index of Black–White segregation remained high and a third of all Black metropolitan residents continued to live in hypersegregated areas (Massey & Tannen, 2015 ). This reality prevails despite the outlawing of racial discrimination in housing (the 1968 Fair Housing Act) and lending (the 1974 Equal Credit Opportunity Act and the 1977 Community Reinvestment Act).

Why does modern segregation persist, despite Whites’ reported racial attitudes improving?

Accompanying these legislative changes was a pronounced shift in White racial attitudes. In the early 1960s, more than 60% of White Americans agreed that Whites have a right to keep Blacks out of their neighborhoods. By the 1980s, however, the percentage had dropped to 13% (Schuman et al., 1998 ). The fact that discrimination is illegal, and White support for segregation has plummeted, begs the question of why segregation persists. The reasons are multiple.

First, although the Fair Housing Act banned discrimination in the rental and sale of housing, enforcement mechanisms in the original legislation were eliminated as part of a compromise to secure the bill’s passage (Metcalf, 1988 ). Federal authorities were likewise granted only limited powers to enforce the Equal Credit Opportunity Act and the Community Reinvestment Act (Massey & Denton, 1993 ).

Although overt discrimination in housing and lending has clearly declined in response to legislation, covert discrimination continues. Rental and sales agents today are less likely to respond to emails from people with stereotypically Black names (Carpusor & Loges, 2006 ; Hanson & Hawley, 2011 ) or to reply to phone messages left by speakers who “sound Black” (Massey & Fischer, 2004 ; Massey & Lundy, 2001 ). A recent meta-analysis of 16 experimental housing audit studies and 19 lending analyses conducted since 1970 revealed that sharp racial differentials in the number of units recommended by realtors and inspected by clients have persisted and that racial gaps in loan denial rates and borrowing cost have barely changed in 40 years (Quillian, Lee, & Honoré, 2020 ).

Audit studies, conducted across the social and behavioral sciences, include a subset of resume studies in which researchers send the same resume out to apply for jobs, but change just one item: the candidate’s name is Lisa Smith or Lakisha Smith. Then, they wait to see who gets the callback. The bias is clear: employers avoid “Black-sounding” names (Bertrand & Mullainathan, 2004 ). In fact, in both Milwaukee’s and New York City’s low-wage job market, Black applicants with no criminal background were called back with the same frequency or less as White applicants just released from prison (Pager, 2003 ; Pager, Western & Bonikowski, 2009 ).

That is, in the minds of hiring managers whose mental make-up is expected to be no different than the readers of this article, a White felon is equivalent to a Black non-felon. The same housing application, the same bank loan application, the same health data, the same behavior, lead to different outcomes depending on the race of the applicant, even though the decision-makers believe they are paying attention to the merits of the case and explicitly not to race, which most decision makers in these studies regard to be irrelevant to the decision.

What makes the problem of systemic racism so perverse is that “good people” with no explicit expression of we would call “racism” are the contributors to such decisions that produce widespread and unnoticed bias, resulting in systemic racism (Banaji & Greenwald, 2013 ). Racial discrimination continues because, although White support for Black segregation may have declined in principle, Whites nonetheless continue to harbor negative racial stereotypes about Black people , which limit their tolerance for integration in practice. Indeed, the willingness of Whites to enter or remain in a neighborhood declines steadily as the percentage of Black neighbors rises (Charles, 2003 ; Emerson, Chai & Yancey, 2001 ). And negative racial stereotyping of Black Americans strongly predicts White opposition to government efforts to enforce Black civil rights (Bobo, Charles, Krysan & Simmons, 2012 ).

In White American social cognition, as later sections elaborate, racial biases remain entrenched both explicitly (Moberg, Krysan & Christianson, 2019 ) and implicitly (Eberhardt, 2019 ). This extends to preferred neighborhoods : Residential searches are inevitably embedded within racialized expectations about neighborhoods and homes that reflect the racially segregated world that most Americans inhabit (Krysan & Crowder, 2017 ). The “correlated characteristics heuristic” relies on a single salient neighborhood trait—in this case racial composition—to represent an area’s acceptability. In White social cognition, the mere presence of Blacks denotes lower property values, higher crime rates, and struggling schools, irrespective of what the objective neighborhood conditions are (Krysan, Couper, Farley & Forman, 2009 ; Quillian & Pager, 2001 , 2010 ). Although Whites in surveys and interviews say they welcome the presence of Black neighbors, in practice Whites avoid neighborhoods containing more than a few Blacks and confine their searches to overwhelmingly White residential areas exhibiting White percentages well above those they report in describing their “ideal” neighborhood on surveys (Krysan & Crowder, 2017 ).

Although rarely admitted, explicit prejudice against Black Americans has hardly disappeared. Google search frequencies on the epithet “nigger” for different metropolitan areas strongly predicted an area’s level of Black residential segregation (Rugh & Massey, 2014 ). This index of explicit racism also strongly predicts the degree to which a city’s suburbs are covered by restrictive density zoning regimes (Massey and Rugh ( 2018 ), a key proximate cause of both racial and class segregation (Rothwell & Massey, 2009 , 2010 ). Owing to the persistence of discrimination, Black Americans are far less able that other Americans to translate their income attainments into residential mobility, greatly compromising their ability to access more integrated and favored neighborhoods (Massey & Denton, 1985 ). As of 2010, the most affluent Black Americans were still more segregated from Whites than the poorest Hispanics (Intrator, Tannen & Massey, 2016 ).

No other group in the history of the US has ever experienced such intense residential segregation in so many areas and over such a long period of time (Massey & Denton, 1993 ; Rugh & Massey, 2014 ). Systemic racism in federal housing policies (Katznelson, 2006 ), real estate (Helper, 1969 ), banking (Ross & Yinger, 2002 ), and insurance (Orren, 1974 ) has ensured a vicious cycle of racial turnover and neighborhood deterioration for most of the past century. As a result, many Black Americans have been compelled to live in societally isolated, economically disadvantaged, physically deteriorated neighborhoods produced and sustained by powerful external forces beyond their ability to control, the precise embodiment of systemic racism.

Because of racial residential segregation and the blocked mobility and spatial concentration of poverty it produces, neighborhoods have become the key nexus for the transmission of Black socioeconomic disadvantage over the life course and across the generations (Sharkey, 2013 ). Half of all Black Americans have lived in the poorest quartile of urban neighborhoods for two consecutive generations, compared with just 7% of Whites, a gap that cannot be explained by individual or family characteristics.

Whereas in the 1960s Black poverty was transmitted across generations by the inheritance of race and the discrimination and exclusion that came with it (Duncan, 1969 ), in the twenty-first century Black poverty is transmitted by the inheritance of place and the concentrated poverty it entails (Massey, 2013 ; Massey & Brodmann, 2014 ; Peterson & Krivo, 2010 ; Sampson, 2012 ; Sharkey, 2013 ). Black disadvantage with respect to income and social mobility is explained almost entirely by the poor neighborhood circumstances they experience (Chetty, Hendren, Jones & Porter, 2020 ; Massey & Brodmann, 2014 ). Racial residential segregation has become linchpin for systemic racism in the US in the twenty-first century (Massey, 2016 , 2020 ).

Discussions of segregation typically highlight how it operates to increase the social isolation of Blacks, but in fact it does more to isolate Whites, who are by far the most spatially isolated group in the US. In 2010, the average Black metropolitan resident lived in a neighborhood that was 45% Black, but the average White metropolitan resident occupied a neighborhood that was 74% White (Massey, 2018 ), and in suburbs the figure rose to 80% (Massey & Tannen, 2017 ). As a result, the advantages of segregation to Whites and the disadvantages to Blacks are invisible to most White Americans.

Feagin ( 1999 , p. 79), put this paradox into perspective by relating the experience of a British immigrant’s confrontation with the realities of race in the US:

Some time after English writer Henry Fairlie emigrated to the USA in the mid-1960s, he visited Thomas Jefferson’s Monticello plantation and took the standard tour. When the White guide asked for questions, Fairlie inquired, “Where did he keep his slaves?” Fairlie reports that the other tourists looked at him in disturbed silence, while the guide “swallowed hard” and said firmly that “the slaves’ quarters are not included in the official tour.” (Fairlie, 1985 .) Housing segregation, and the systemic racism it reveals, are still not on the official tour.”

Two decades later, the question we must answer is whether we are willing, as scientists and citizens, to put housing segregation—and all the other institutions that do so much to dictate the vicissitudes of Black life—on the official tour of the USA.

Systemic racial bias: the role of mental structures and resulting social interactions

We began with institutions and society. Now, we move to individual minds surrounded and shaped by these societal structures. Next, we then move to interacting minds, which further perpetuate societal and individual racial distinctions. Racial bias at each level supports bias at the other levels, creating a racist system.

To understand individual mental structures, we start with unconscious inference, identified by Helmholtz, and its heir, implicit bias, most relevantly as expressed by Whites associating Black racial cues with negative concepts. Socially motivated (mis)perception goes one stage earlier to bias information seeking and interpretation. More specific links among racial bias in perceiving physiognomy, linked to dehumanizing associations, and aggressive behavior close this first section on the individual.

Unconscious inference

Among the intellectuals who contributed to the emergence of experimental psychology as an independent discipline in the nineteenth century was the German polymath, Herman von Helmholtz, whose numerous contributions to science include the concept of “ Unbewuste Schluss ” or “ unconscious inference .” Helmholtz’s concept was simple, but its implications are profound, even more so today with recent advances in the mind and brain sciences. Given the complexity of just the visual world, how are humans to represent it based on their individual-level, meager sensory and perceptual system, which entails the shunting of packets of data from the world outside, through the eyes and into the brain? Helmholtz offered two ideas. First, perception is not veridical, given the complexity of the world and the rudimentary nature of the minds attempting to make sense of it. Second, as implied by the word inference , what one deduces from the evidence provided by the senses is not a replica of what is out there. Rather, mental representations of the physical world are mere approximations.

Whittling the self-esteem of Homo sapiens down further, Helmholtz went on to say that perception is not controllable, but rather that it unfolds automatically. He used a commonplace example to make this point. We know that it is not the Sun that rises, but rather that the Earth revolves around it. But when we sit on our porch at sunrise, and look toward the horizon, we incontrovertibly experience ourselves as being fixed, and the Sun, however bulky, pushing itself up to meet us. To say about the Sun that “it rises” is completely inaccurate yet completely compelling. That incorrect perception is not something over which we have choice. To think otherwise is to delude ourselves.

Helmholtz’s two ideas contained in the phrase “unconscious inference,” with many additional levels of social complexity, summarizes the challenge when we confront systemic racism. On the one hand, we “know” the facts about an economy purportedly mounted on free labor for 250 years, the undelivered promise of 40 acres and a mule, the failure of Reconstruction, the resistance to desegregation, the history of redlining and gerrymandering, a history of unequal access to education, jobs, housing, finance, healthcare, and a lack of equal protection under the law. On the other hand, the limited sensory, perceptual, learning, and memory systems of humans set up a built-in blindness and automatic inferences that generate the illusions that, for instance, White people experience more discrimination than Black people (Norton & Sommers, 2011 ). Or, if Black Americans have any challenges, they have created their own situation in America today (Pettigrew, 1979 ) and therefore are responsible for getting themselves out of that situation. Not that minorities have no illusions, but the illusions of the higher-status group have more consequences because they usually also have more power.

The features of human minds that feed into the production of systemic racism come in two forms: ordinary errors of perception, attention, learning, memory, and reasoning that are the hallmarks of all thinking systems with human-like intelligence. In addition, we add another level of theorizing familiar to psychologists, that of motivated reasoning , the idea that our preferences, goals, and desires can bias our reasoning and lead to prejudicial decisions and outcomes (Fiske & Taylor, 2021 ; Kunda, 1990 ).

Another hallmark of human cognition is the phenomenon of loss aversion , the finding human beings much prefer avoiding losses to acquiring equivalent gains (Kahneman & Tversky, 1979 ). Even as White Americans resist and deny the reality of systemic racism, they nonetheless feel the loss of White privilege and social status quite keenly, creating powerful resentments that motivate them to reason away the potential existence of systemic racism (Craig & Richeson, 2014 ; Parker, 2021 ).

Implicit racial bias

Beginning in the 1980s, psychologists began to document a puzzling result. Individuals who claimed to have no racial animus showed evidence of negative attitudes and stereotypes toward Black Americans (Devine, 1989 ; Dovidio & Gaertner, 1986 ). Soon, the hunt for methods to better access “implicit bias” (as contrasted with standard, explicit bias measured in surveys) was underway, with specific calls for the invention of better technologies that could bypass conscious awareness or conscious control (Greenwald & Banaji, 1995 ).

One such measure, the Implicit Association Test (IAT), has demonstrated a wide array of group evaluative associations. Typically, people can pair own-group cues faster with positive concepts, and other-group cues faster with negative ones—compared with vice versa. For example, White and other non-Black Americans show robust race bias in their inability to associate “good” and “bad” equally rapidly with the social categories Black and White. The IAT has attracted considerable attention (see Greenwald et al., 2020 , for best practices, reliable effects, and ongoing investigations). A public online location, since 1998, has provided data from millions of tests taken by volunteer participants at http://www.implicit.harvard.edu . Several signature results have replicated multiple times with large samples over time:

Race bias is consistently visible in the data.

A small positive correlation between stated and implicit race attitudes exists, but the two are largely dissociated, i.e., many of those who report being neutral (no negative explicit attitudes toward Black or White Americans), do carry implicit associations of Black + bad and White + good to a larger extent than White + bad and Black + good. This result prompts us to yet again note that the term “racism” has been used by contemporary psychologists to refer to conscious forms of race prejudice and to emphasize its semi-independence from less conscious or implicit forms of race bias. To make this distinction clear, researchers who study implicit race bias have gone to great lengths to reserve the term racism to only refer to conscious expressions of racial animus. Our usage of the term systemic racism in this article is undertaken is in the interest of including all levels of analysis (individual, institutional, societal) and all forms, from the most explicit to the most implicit. The result of a low correlation between explicit racism and implicit race bias makes the point empirically that the two are not the same. Of course, implicit race bias feeds into what may become racism, and for this reason it is best to think about implicit race bias as the roots of racism, not the above ground, visible structure. Implicit race bias also results from systemic racism.

Asian Americans show the same pattern as White Americans, even though as a third-party group in response to a Black–White test, they might be assumed to have neutrality. From the point of view of systemic racism, this is an example of what it means to live in a system of inequity at all levels. Even third-party groups will acquire negative and positive attitudes toward groups that are not their own.

Black Americans express strong positive feelings toward their own group but on the measure of implicit cognition, they show no preference for their own group, with scores of almost any sample of Black Americans showing relative neutrality, i.e., equal association of good and bad for Black and White Americans. This absence of ingroup-favoring attitudes—juxtaposed with the ingroup-favoring lack of neutrality in all other groups in the same society—is open to various interpretations, from moral balance to internalized racism to astute pragmatism; all await other data.

Tests of anti-gay bias revealed it to be quite high in 2007 but steadily dropping off (by 64% since 2013) to be at an all-time low today. By comparison, anti-Black bias has dropped, but to a much lesser extent, by about 25% (Charlesworth & Banaji, in press). A 25% drop-off in race bias is not insignificant, and although the genders differ in magnitude of bias, both men and women are losing bias at equal speed. Although all demographic groups are changing, young Americans are changing faster than older Americans, suggesting that the world they inhabit is signaling a less biased set of attitudes.

Together, these data point to the individual manifestation of systemic racial bias, hidden from view but robustly present. However, psychologists have also gone beyond such demonstrations of basic cognitive associations as markers of implicit mental content to show that individual and institutional change is possible if the will to create change exists.

Socially motivated (mis)perception

The idea of motivated reasoning or motivated cognition gathers several useful ideas to understand how individual humans shape and even distort perception to deal with real or perceived threats to self. Kunda ( 1990 ), for example, posited that the individual need for accuracy is thwarted by the demand to reach a conclusion prior to the evidence being satisfactorily in place and that one’s goals and motives often drive decisions. These decisions reveal many identifiable biases that emerge to weaken the orientation toward accuracy (see Fiske & Taylor, 2021 ).

With more direct focus on motivated reasoning as it concerns social change, Kay et al., ( 2009 ) presented empirical evidence for a motivated tendency to view things as they are and conclude that such a state of affairs exists because it is reasonable and even representative of how things ought to be. The connection to systemic racism is quite clear, as the authors further demonstrate that motivated cognition exists in the interest of justifying sociopolitical systems that maintain inequality and resist change. People justify the status quo, preferring stability especially if they are privileged, but even if not (Jost & Banaji, 1994 ). Groups in a secure position show the cultural equivalent of inertia, seeking stability, but groups on the move express inertia as continuing to move (e.g., acquiring mainstream standing) (Zárate et al., 2019 ).

Two substantive theoretical accounts undergird these ideas as they concern complex interactions of within-person and across-person phenomena such as systemic racism. First, Sidanius and Pratto’s ( 1999 ) Theory of Social Dominance offers evolutionary and cultural evidence to support the idea that hierarchies are an almost obligatory feature of human social groups. A related but independent idea may be found in Jost’s System Justification Theory (Jost, 2020 ), which explicitly makes the case that individuals will sacrifice self and group interest in order to maintain larger “systems” of social arrangements and work to keep them in place. The reason, Jost argues, is that such a motivation serves to meet deep psychological needs for certainty, security, and acceptance by others. The overarching social structure is important to protect because if it is stable, then all within it will be safe, including those disadvantaged by established hierarchies.

Perception of phenotypes, deadly associations, and system-maintaining behavior

With regard to perceptions of race, the mere categorization of someone as Black shifts perceptions of their phenotype. For example, a series of experiments documented that people’s knowledge about race phenotypes drives perception of lightness of the skin tone (Levin & Banaji, 2006 ). In other words, experiments held skin-tone constant and varied only the features, from Afrocentric to Eurocentric; this variation in features shifts perception of skin tone, such that Afrocentric faces are viewed to be darker skinned than Eurocentric ones, despite the same gray-scale tone.

Skin tone and features are critical cues to make life and death decisions, especially in ambiguous situations that are often present in so many interactions between police and Black citizens. In simulations of police-citizen encounters, people are more likely to “shoot” unarmed Black men than otherwise equally unarmed White men (Correll, Wittenbrink, Park, Judd, & Goyle, 2010 ). Black men with more phenotypically Black features are more likely to receive the death penalty for murdering a White person, holding constant the features of the crime (Eberhardt, 2019 ). The phenotypicality effect extends even to Whites with Afrocentric features (Blair, Judd, & Chapleau, 2004 ). Judgments of criminality can be primed by a Black face (Eberhardt, 2019 ).

And there’s more: the race–crime association overlaps the dehumanizing association of Black faces with great ape faces, that Staples ( 2018 ) called the “racist trope that won’t die”; Goff, Eberhardt, Williams and Jackson ( 2008 ) provide evidence from policing that links apes and Black people, from the first moments of perception to the radio dispatch and other media, with systemic implications. In more recent work, Morehouse et al., ( 2021 ) have shown that White Americans associate White with human and Black, Asian, and Latinx with animal with greater ease than the opposite pairing (White with animal), regardless of the category of animal (generic or specific). Implicit racial biases (Whites favoring Whites) are consequential, correlating with judged trustworthiness and economic investment (Stanley, Sokol-Hessner, Banaji & Phelps, 2011 ).

More recently, Kurdi et al., ( 2021 ) measured attitudes toward a phenotypic feature that happens to be a dominant perceptual marker of race, Afrocentric and Eurocentric types of hair. First participants took an IAT measuring their implicit attitude toward Black women with natural or straightened hair. Then, subjects read a summary of a real legal case involving a corporation that fired a Black employee for refusing to change her natural hair ( Equal Employment Opportunity Commission v. Catastrophe Management Solutions , 2016). The more negative the implicit attitude toward Afrocentric hair, the greater the sympathy with the corporation’s position rather than the plaintiff’s position in the legal case.

A relatively new approach to racial associations comes with the promise of epitomizing the term “systemic” in systemic racism. These are studies of large language corpora that are now possible using machine learning approaches to natural language. With the increasing availability of trained datasets—including large samples of the language of the Internet (content archives continuously collected by the nonprofit Common Crawl) or specific trained datasets of media such as books, TV shows, etc.—allow measuring the extent to which language contains attitudes and beliefs about Black and White Americans across time. Charlesworth and Banaji (in preparation) analyzed data from Google Books from 1800 to 1990. Setting aside the data from older books to focus on whether bias is present in the language today, these are the traits most associated with Black Americans (and not with White Americans) in the late twentieth century: earthy, lonely, sensual, cruel, lifeless, deceitful, meek, rebellious, headstrong, lazy . By contrast, these are the traits associated with White Americans (and not with Black Americans): critical, decisive, hostile, friendly, polite, able, diplomatic, belligerent, understanding, confident . Other work in natural language processing (NLP) sorts adjectives into 13 stereotype-content dictionaries (Nicolas, Bai, & Fiske, 2021 ). The above adjectives convey ambivalent reactions to Black Americans on several dimensions, but notably neglect competence; Whites in contrast feature several competence adjectives. NLP allows efficient analysis of language in the culture or in spontaneous, open-ended descriptions (Nicolas, Bai, & Fiske, under review). Footnote 4

Words have an important role to play. People often express surprise about implicit biases in the minds of individuals who have no intent to harbor them. Considering how and why it occurs—plausible mechanisms—may prove convincing. One causal candidate is language , the predominant way humans communicate and express themselves. Words undertake much of the labor of creating racism in thoughts and feelings that are reflected in speech. Machine learning approaches to understanding racial bias in language will likely be a critical method to objectively uncover how words, spoken and written, create systemic racism. That is, linguistic patterns connect groups with valenced concepts, and the repeated pairings create associations. Without awareness, language produces the inbuilt in the architecture of social cognition (as an example, the NLP stereotype-dimensions dictionaries capture more than 80% of spontaneous stereotype content; Nicolas, Bai, & Fiske, under review).

From cognitive racial bias to aggregate racialized behavior

Individual implicit attitudes have been repeatedly shown to predict behavior; Kurdi et al. ( 2019 ) offer the largest number of studies included in a meta-analysis to date. However, as the authors note, the actual attitude–behavior relationship is marred by the poor quality of many studies, especially given the lack of psychometric control over the predicted behavior. Among the controversies that have marked this work is an intriguing idea put forth by Payne, Vuletich and Lundberg ( 2017 ), who proposed that the small correlations between individual attitude and behavior must be acknowledged as a function of what they call the “bias of crowds,” the idea that an individual’s behavior is determined by the larger social context in which that individual exists. A number of studies have appeared recently to challenge the idea that individual attitude–behavior correlations is the right place to be looking. That the actual correlation between implicit attitude and behavior is larger than it may have appeared has been revealed in a series of studies that predict behavior at the aggregate level by using aggregate IAT scores by region, such as metropolitan areas, counties, and states. Charlesworth and Banaji ( 2021 ) reviewed these studies to demonstrate more substantive relationships between IAT racial bias and consequential social outcomes.

For example, the studies reviewed reveal that the greater the implicit bias against Blacks in a region (using average IAT scores of a region) the greater is the lethal use of force by police, the greater the Black American deaths from circulatory diseases, the lower is spending on Medicaid disability programs (more likely to assist Black Americans), the greater the Black–White gap in infant low birth weight and preterm births, the greater the Black–White gap in school disciplining (suspension, law enforcement referrals, expulsions, in-school arrests), the Black–White gap in standardized testing scores (3rd–8th grade for math and English), and lower upward mobility.

To grasp the meaning of systemic racism as it exists at the individual level within larger society, not just in a single moment by across time, a study by Payne, Vuletich and Brown-Iannuzzi ( 2019 ) is illustrative. Their analysis of IAT data today yields strong correlations with the ratio of enslaved to free people in the southern US in 1860. States with a larger ratio in 1860 are the states with greater race bias today, 160 years later (r = 0.64). This correlation is much larger in magnitude than even the correlation between regional IAT race bias and Black American representation across the US (r = 0.32). As Charlesworth and Banaji ( 2021 ) note, “the result also suggests that today’s Americans who live in regions with greater historical legacies of slavery must be acquiring the particles of race bias embedded in the social atmosphere. Systemic discrimination is a useful term in this case as it helps capture the pervasiveness of race bias as it extends across both space and time.”

Summary. As explicit bias decreased, measured forms of implicit bias have persisted, potentially attributable to racial segregation. White Americans have limited direct experience with Black Americans, so cultural associations substitute for more individuated impressions. Implicit associations of “Black-bad” and “White-good” are weakening, but far from neutral. Meanwhile, socially motivated (mis)perception favors these system-justifying biases. Together, they support a syndrome linking racial phenotypes, deadly associations, and system-maintaining behavior. Further, cognitive racial biases underpin aggregate racialized behavior. These are some cognitive-motivational mechanisms of systemic racism. Other mechanisms involve everyday interactions that perpetuate bias. In particular, predictable patterns of disrespect and distrust maintain the interpersonal racial divide.

Racialized social interactions

Face-to-face behavior propagates bias. Individuals carry racial biases into their social settings largely by interacting with others. Repeated patterns of behavior that differ by race are, at a minimum, racialized (defined by race) and often experienced as racist. Individual racial biases, enacted in daily life, perpetuate bias, which then links the individual to the norms, scripts, and habits that constitute the social system. Interpersonal interaction conveys bias, intentionally or not. In scores of studies, White Americans distance themselves from Black interaction partners, express non-verbal discomfort, and avoid them (e.g., Dovidio, Kawakami & Gaertner, 2002 ; Richeson & Shelton, 2007 ; Word, Zanna & Cooper, 1974 ). In the aggregate, these patterns constitute the concrete manifestations of a racially biased social system.

We have already seen White people’s generically negative default associations with Black Americans, linking them to crime (untrustworthy) and to animals (incompetent). These reflect the two key stereotype dimensions in intergroup perception (Fiske, 2018 ): warmth and competence. These dimensions organize people’s perceptions of social systems: perceived competence reflects groups’ stereotypic status in society. The hierarchy supposedly reflects merit, so rank predicts their supposed competence and evokes respect—or supposed incompetence and disrespect. Besides groups’ status (competence), the other aspect of social structure is groups’ apparent cooperative or competitive goals, interdependencies that stereotypically predict warmth and trustworthiness. Cooperators on our side are nice; competitors are not. Stereotypes derive from social structural perceptions (status and interdependence), especially when people learn about others they might encounter (Fiske, Cuddy, Glick & Xu, 2002 ; Nicolas et al., 2021 ). Black Americans do not get a break on either dimension. And because these racialized perceptions derive from social structure, they pave the way for systemic racism. Consider the evidence for these two dimensions: competence and warmth in racialized perceptions and behavior.

Disrespect communicates Whites’ view of Blacks as low status and incompetent

The default representation of Black Americans is low status (Dupree, Torrez, Obioha & Fiske, 2021 ). Whites spontaneously associate Black faces with low-status jobs, compared to Whites. The structural belief that Blacks are low status appears in associating them with jobs such as janitor, dishwasher, garbage collector, taxi driver, cashier, maid, prostitute. This race–status association correlates with endorsing social dominance (believing that some groups inevitably dominate others, and it is better that way) and with meritocracy (group get what they deserve). All these judgments share a common element of disrespect and assumed incompetence.

Race–status associations emerge in behavior that maintains Black people at the bottom of the hierarchy. Respondents endorsed Black applicants for lower status jobs and withheld support for organizations and government policies aiding minorities. Thus, racialized associations, assumptions, and preferences all identify a view of Black people's structural position as low status, on average. Behavior communicates these attitudes, whether examined or not. Thus, race–status associations imply Black incompetence, covarying with feeling-thermometer (0–100) ratings of interracial bias, social dominance orientation, meritocracy beliefs, as well as hierarchy-maintaining hiring and policy preferences.

Disrespectful behavior that presumes incompetence of Blacks appears in another series of studies. Well-meaning liberals, expected to introduce themselves to a Black partner, dumbed-down their speech, as they did in vocabulary for a task assignment (Dupree & Fiske, 2019 ). Similarly, White Democratic presidential candidates also showed a competence downshift in speeches to minority audiences only (Dupree & Fiske, 2019 ).

This pattern reproduces itself when respondents imagine introducing themselves to a lower-status person (race unspecified) at work (Swencionis & Fiske, 2016 ). They claim their goal is to communicate their own warmth (as they downplay their competence), but this rests on the presumption of the other’s incompetence. Trying to be folksy does not communicate respect.

The presumption that structural status predicts competence is widespread (averaging r > 0.80 across US and international samples; Fiske & Durante, 2016 ). The implication is that for most White Americans, the association that pops into their minds will link a Black person with incompetence. People communicate such disrespect by failing to bet on or invest in the other’s performance (Walsh, Vaida, & Fiske, under review).

Structurally, this amounts to racism. Black people are widely perceived as inferior in these ways, which are baked into the social hierarchy, reflecting disrespectful patterns of interpersonal behavior. All of this perpetuates the social hierarchy and the image of Blacks as incompetent.

Worse yet, disrespect surfaces in police encountering Black drivers. From the first moment (“Hey” instead of “Sir” or “Ma’am”), police officer language shows computationally derived, measurably lower respect (Voigt et al., 2017 ). Given the already fraught relationships between police and Black community members, this worsens an already dangerous encounter and undermines the chances to create trust.

Distrust communicates Whites’ views of Blacks as uncooperative and not warm

Besides incompetence, the other major dimension of social cognition is warmth (trustworthy, friendly), as noted. The default stereotype of a Black person is probably also untrustworthy, but the data on this point are surprisingly indirect. Whites can be expected to distrust Blacks as part of the larger principle that, categorically, people mistrust outgroups. More specifically, as noted, Whites associate Blacks with crime, which certainly undermines trust. Footnote 5 This configuration fits survey data showing that ratings of poor (i.e., explicitly low-status) Black people allege incompetence (disrespecting them) but also lack of warmth (distrusting them).

Plotting these ratings in a warmth x competence space, poor Blacks are frequently judged as low on both. Because White Americans link race and status, the low-income Black person is the default Black person, allegedly incompetent, but also untrustworthy. Mistrust is indicated by excessive surveillance of Black Americans (driving while Black, shopping while Black, false accusations of theft or assault, police shootings…). Footnote 6

Distrust can be operationalized as behavior: In the economic Trust Game, a player must decide how much of their starting endowment to share, on the knowledge that it will be tripled, and on the hope that their partner will share back, generously. Incentivized trust-game behavior closely tracks warmth ratings; that is, societal groups rated as low warmth and untrustworthy receive less shared endowment, presumably because they are not trusted to share it back. In nationally representative samples, people of color do not fare well in the Trust Game (Walsh et al., under review). In more prosaic settings, non-verbal behavior reveals unmonitored dislike (if not specifically mistrust), as noted.

Black Americans experience repeated treatment as incompetent and untrustworthy. Because this stereotype and ensuing behavior is racially category-based and negative, as well as potentially controllable, it is racist. Because the behavior comes from societal stereotypes, which come from social structure, Footnote 7 it is systemic.

Whites’ potential control implies responsibility for reinforcing system racism

Racialized interactions could also be termed racist, in the sense that White people could potentially observe their own inequitable behavior if they chose (Fiske, 1989 ). People rarely examine these unwritten rules, typical behaviors, but conceivably they could, so “unexamined” bias captures the higher potential control for behavior than for implicit associations. Control implies responsibility in the minds of lay people and the law, so this interpretation of “racialized” as “racist” creates concern and is likely to be contested. But the science makes the empirical point here that racialized social behavior is demonstrably controllable, given sufficient incentive (Monteith, Lybarger & Woodcock, 2009 ; Sinclair, Lowery, Hardin & Colangelo, 2005 ). So systematically different behavior by race reflects a racist habit, script, or norm, the components of a system from the bottom up.

The challenge in controlling racist habits is that they are the cultural default. Much of this systematic behavior results from White Americans’ inexperience with Black Americans, thereby substituting societal representations for individuating information about the unique human (Fiske & Neuberg, 1990 ). People use especially those default representations that fit their natural human tendency to detect and prefer people they view as similar to themselves. To unpack this, consider some basic principles of affiliation that would predispose Whites to favor other Whites and exclude Black people. First is the basic tendency to categorize others and to favor those of the ingroup. For decades, principles of attraction have established its foundations in similarity (Byrne, 1971 ; Montoya & Horton, 2013 ) or homophily (McPherson, Smith-Lovin & Cook, 2001 ). And mere categorization suffices to produce ingroup favoritism (Tajfel & Turner, 1979 ). No animus is necessary, although it easily develops. As a basis for categorization, race is arbitrary (more so than gender and age; Kurzban, Tooby & Cosmides, 2001 ) but common (Sidanius & Pratto, 1999 ). Thus, race-based ingroup favoritism is a default, in the absence of other experience. Footnote 8 This makes it hard to over-ride.

Societal segregation by race makes difficulties for overcoming the racial default. Segregation limits White exposure to Blacks, undermining their direct experience, leaving Whites to rely on cognitive shortcuts to represent Blacks as a group. Indeed, the less exposure people have to outgroups, the more clearly they differentiate among them–stereotypically. That is, White Americans who know the least about other races have the clearest stereotypes about them; the less diversity, the more differentiated their cognitive representations (Bai, Ramos & Fiske, 2020 ).

What’s wrong with that?

As a scientific question, a skeptic might ask, what’s wrong with differentiating by stereotypes? One set of answers concerns the demeaning individual and face-to-face interaction, just addressed. The other answers pertain to sheer demographic diversity of Black Americans, covered next.

Given its racial history and ongoing systems, societal patterns and cultural stereotypes prevailing in the US tend to associate Blacks with low status and Whites with high status as noted. To the extent this race–status association has a kernel of statistical accuracy (Blacks are over-represented in low-status jobs), it fails several tests as an argument for using stereotypes as a constructive strategy of intergroup relations. First, it ignores variability, individuality, and (especially) Black diversity. Second, category-based thinking exaggerates perceived between-group variability and minimizes perceived within-group variability (Tajfel & Turner 1979 ; Taylor, Fiske, Etcoff & Ruderman, 1978 ). So “nouns that cut slices” (Allport’s, 1954 felicitous phrase for category labels) do violence to the human data. What’s more, society has civil rights laws protecting people from being judged by their group membership, so the consensus is that this is not only wrong, but illegal.

Race–status associations, in practice, ignore all the structural contributors to race–status associations, such as the neighborhood effects, already described. Whites assume meritocracy, believing that status accurately reflects individual competence (Fiske, Dupree, Nicolas & Swencionis, 2016 ); globally, the perceived status—perceived competence correlation hovers around 0.80. (The only countries where people are more cynical about the status-merit link are former Communist ones; Grigoryan et al., 2020 .) The point here is that status has many antecedents, and not all of them are merit (or other personal, stereotypical explanations, e.g., innately good/bad at math). Systemic factors such as neighborhood, school, family resources, connections, and especially race all receive no mention in the meritocracy account.

Whites do differentiate Black Americans by subcategories, e.g., by status, specifically social class, viewing low-income Black people as incompetent and untrustworthy, but Black professionals as competent and trustworthy (Fiske, Cuddy, Glick & Xu, 2002 ). Black Americans themselves differentiate several subtypes of Blacks likewise along a social-class dimension (Fiske, Bergsieker, Russell & Williams, 2009 ).

Status-keeping shortcuts are easier to maintain without information to the contrary, such as experiencing human variability. Whites with less exposure to Blacks are more overtly prejudiced as a function of structural features such as rural residence, where they encounter less diversity (Bai et al., 2020 ), and lack of education, where they experience less variability of ideas. As a structural matter, segregated White rural residence also predicts lower school quality partly because of the American policy of locally funding schools; this creates an association between a weaker tax base, rural location, ethnic homogeneity, and overt bias. These systemic factors interact to produce prejudice. As an earlier section shows, the social structure permeates American arrangements since the arrival of Whites on native lands.

Nevertheless, for most Whites, their isolated lives make them inexperienced about their Black fellow citizens. Housing segregation disfavors most Whites in experience with diversity, making them often inept and naïve when speaking about issues that are facts of Black lives. This means that Whites rely on cultural shortcuts to understand the Black people whose life experience they do not know. These cognitive representations derive from perceived structural patterns such as race–status associations and race-resource unfairness (Krysan & Crowder, 2017 ).

We have seen that Whites’ racial beliefs are relatively automatic (implicit bias) and ambivalent (warmth/competence). The resulting associations (stereotypes) are more subtle than most people believe. They are consequently hard for anyone to detect in themselves (unexamined) or in any one person (under the radar), but the patterns appear systemically as aggregate biases. Supposing the aggregate biases are problematic, at least because they ignore variability, examine that more closely.

Aggregate bias ignores diversity

So far, this review has described the relentless systems of racism that limit opportunity and outcomes by race. Many Black Americans nevertheless succeed despite the rigged system. Black diversity thus results from those who escape the system, but also from African and Caribbean immigration, and from intermarriage. For Black students enrolled at selective colleges, especially, the diversity of their backgrounds is the main fact that underscores their success (Charles, Kramer, Massey & Torres, 2021 ). Any given White student’s background is far more predictable than any given Black student’s, which potentially ranges from extreme disadvantage to extreme wealth. For that minority (a third) of Black students whose segregated neighborhoods entail underfunded schools, gang violence, and concentrated police violence, their presence in college testifies to extraordinary resilience (Charles, Fischer, Mooney & Massey, 2009 ).

Most non-Black people do not realize that Black Americans are more diverse than most American ethnic groups. Underestimating their variety allows an oversimplified image to dominate every level, from mind to society, making it a systemic racism. This section describes diversity based on place, intermarriage, immigrant experience, parent education, and sheer escape.

A century ago, most Black Americans lived in the rural South, but after the Great Migration, most lived in cities, often in the North, usually hyper-segregated, but with family roots in both the North and South. By the turn of the current century, Black American student bodies at selective colleges were the most diverse in history, more biracial, more immigrant, more middle or upper class, and equally identifying themselves as both American and as Black (Charles et al., 2021 ). Black students, even as elites, show “unprecedented variation in terms of racial origins, skin tone, nativity, generation, class, and segregation” (Charles et al., 2021 , Ch. 10).

Clusters of characteristics and attitudes illustrate the variety. Mixed-race students identify less with being Black, are comfortable with both Blacks and Whites, see Whites as less discriminatory, and report deep parental involvement in their schooling and cultural experiences. Mixed race students also have more White friends and fewer Black friends than their monoracial peers and are more likely to date outside the group, especially with Whites. In addition, mixed-race students are less likely to join majority-Black organizations on campus, and thus report less intense interaction with Blacks . Psychologically, the White view of biracial individuals continues to demonstrate hypodescent, i.e., the view that biracial individuals belong to the less advantaged group, or the cognitive expression of the “one drop rule.” Combining the sociological and psychological angle demonstrates the lack of consistency between how biracial Americans are viewed and the way they see themselves.

Black students with an immigrant background are most comfortable with other Black students, and report having strict parents who expect obedience, respect, hard work, and family loyalty without hands-on, hovering involvement. First-generation immigrants, especially African immigrants (versus Caribbean ones), believe in meritocracy and see Whites as not so discriminatory. After a generation, idealism gives way to pragmatism: Hard work pays off. African immigrant origins predict reliably higher grades.

As for segregation, Black students growing up with more exposure to Whites feel closer to them but also view Whites as more discriminatory, a psychologically complex mental state to manage. In contrast, living in segregated neighborhoods especially exposes Black students to higher (the top third) levels of disorder and violence, leading them to view Whites as more distant and discriminatory. But parents are more protective, relying on strict discipline but not trying to use shame or guilt as an influence strategy (more frequent in Asian families).

As with all students, high-school GPA predicts college GPA. Besides that, again as with all students, Black women do better than Black men, as do those with educated parents . Differences in academic preparation vary by segregation in two ways: the more White students in their schools, the worse Black students’ grades but the higher their SATs, suggesting more rigorous standards. Thus, the portraits of Black college students are diverse; generalizations are unreliable, except perhaps for one: resilience in the face of systemic bias and a diversity of adaptations to a variety of challenges.

We document Black diversity here for these reasons: First, to avoid making the litany of systemic Black disadvantages the sole image conveyed here. Second, because of segregation, many White people, including University faculty, see a Black person on campus and—assuming they realize this is a student—they presume the person comes from a low-income background, unprepared for college, with uneducated parents, native born, but with little experience outside the imagined ghetto, etc. This may be true for some small fraction of students, but not just the Black ones, and not true of most Black students on campus today. A third reason to remind the reader of Black diversity on campus is to highlight experiences of inter-racial contact as important one mechanism for overcoming racial bias, and—if scaled up to integrated neighborhoods, schools, and workplaces—for shifting systemic racism.

Contact: exposure to racial diversity

People with least exposure to diversity have the most differentiated images of the outgroups they have never met (Bai et al., 2020 ). And the prospect and first experience of diversity is not salutary; newly diverse contexts show lower well-being (Putnam, 2007 ; Ramos, Bennett, Massey & Hewstone, 2019 ). But over time, people get used to each other: well-being is higher and stereotypes melt into each, forming an undifferentiated cluster of people like us, mostly warm and competent.

Psychology has 70 years of research to explain how this works, following Allport’s ( 1954 ) contact hypothesis. In one meta-analytic perspective (Pettigrew & Tropp, 2006 ), intergroup contact reduces prejudice, the more it meets Allport’s conditions: shared goals, non-trivial interactions, authority sanctions, and rewarding results. Much of the process seems to be affect-driven. If the contact setting would afford the opportunity for friendship, the contact effect is stronger (Tropp & Pettigrew, 2005 ). This is a useful reminder that much prejudice is emotional, not cognitive. In fact, a meta-analysis of 50 years of research on racist attitudes found that they predict racist behavior the most when they are emotions (“hating them”) rather than stereotypes (“they are lazy”) or even simple evaluations (2 on a 5-point scale) (Talaska et al., 2008 ).

Nevertheless, the core element of successful contact, goal interdependence, does operate via information processing. In laboratory experiments, interdependence makes people attend specifically to unexpected, stereotype-inconsistent information, and they make dispositional inferences, generating an individualized coherent impression of the teammate (Ames & Fiske, 2013 ; Erber & Fiske, 1984 ). Neural signatures of mindreading prominently include the mPFC regions that reliably activate when people are inferring another’s predispositions. The mind-reading mPFC activates most for an interdependent partner’s stereotype-inconsistent attributes. Although supporting evidence includes these mechanisms, a subsequent meta-analysis (Paluck, Porat, Clark & Green, 2021 ) notes that few high-quality intergroup studies have focused on race per se, few look at adults, few are experiments. We have much to learn.

Conclusion: systemic racism is individual/interpersonal and institutional/societal but rarely recognized

Segregated housing disadvantages many Black Americans, and its effects are far-reaching, not only in life opportunities and outcomes (education, employment, health, well-being) but also in the psychology of systemic racism. We have argued that case here. Most Whites fail to recognize and appreciate the growing diversity of America’s Black population, which has arisen from a mixture of Black resilience, a growing middle class, rising intermarriage, and global-South immigration. Generally, White Americans—because of the segregation perpetuated to sustain their advantage—have limited exposure to Black Americans, so their knowledge is indirect, and based on cultural caricatures. Segregation allows White people to be clueless about race, and because racial bias is more automatic, ambiguous, and ambivalent than people think, they fail to detect it in themselves and others. As a result, White people have many unexamined biases, undergirded by earlier stages of information processing (e.g., attention, perception, learning, memory, reasoning) that sustain such a lack of awareness. These cognitive errors and biases stem from lack of exposure, lack of the accurate evidence, and a lack of necessary knowledge.

The assumption here is that if people were simply made aware of the facts that have been described in the earlier sections, they would slap their palm to their head and immediately vote for reparations. But as readers may no doubt deduce on their own, confronting accurate data and internalizing it is not a smooth or pretty process. That our minds resist information that challenges certain types of prior beliefs is a fundamental discovery from the mind sciences. Basic cognitive processes such as motivated cognition help to maintain a lack of awareness of racial experiences as they exist on the ground. But no lack of awareness need exist.

The human ability for conscious awareness, deliberate thought, and the motivation to link values to behavior cannot be underestimated as vehicles of change. We have accomplished this regarding how we understand the relationship of Earth to our Sun, so we know it is not as it seems. If we choose, we can similarly put our minds to derive the best evidence to learn about the presence or absence of systemic racism. If we can acquire the appropriate knowledge (often hidden from our conscious perception), we will be more likely to remain open to evidence that shows its presence.

If we do not undertake this effort, it is at our own peril. If, in the twenty-first century, we cannot mount a new struggle to see the social world for what it is, we are by choice dooming ourselves to extended ignorance that will be costly to us, our society, and the world we inevitably leave to our descendants. Earlier we provided evidence about unexpected (by scientists) decreases in implicit sexuality bias (massive drop) and race bias (more modest change) since 2007. These data provide optimism that mental content that we cannot change at will is nonetheless capable of movement toward racial neutrality across the US.

In other words, who-we-have-been need not be the future-selves-we-are-becoming. Here, we demonstrated that grappling with the correct data is a necessary step on the path to understanding our role in the creation of systemic racism. Among the blind spots that we will need to shake off, once and for all, is the belief that racism is the product of a few bad people in our society, and that removing them from power will suffice to deal with the issue.

Space and time preclude our covering the targets’ perspective, identity, resilience. Nor do we cover racial socialization in children.

Through the sensory and perceptual systems granted to our species by evolution, these dyadic and small-group social interactions evolve into larger and larger social units, such as the hundreds of so-called friends or millions of so-called followers on more recent forms of social media. Today we transcend ancestral, small-group interactions to generate larger-scale groups whose interactions occur on an exponential scale. The internet provides avenues for the high-speed transmission of individual attitudes, beliefs, values, as well as for propelling action across communities and nations. These communications have the potential to spread both social good and social harm, with explicit racial animus and implicit prejudicial bias being examples of the latter.

Using the most common measure of segregation (the dissimilarity index), in that year 94% Black metropolitan residents lived under conditions of “high” segregation (an index of 60 or greater on a 0–100 scale), meaning that at least 60% of Blacks would have to exchange neighborhoods with Whites to achieve an even distribution of the races across neighborhoods (Rugh & Massey, 2014 ). Moreover, in a subset of metropolitan areas, not only were Black residents unevenly distributed across neighborhoods, they were also isolated within overwhelmingly Black districts that were themselves densely clustered near the central business district, a geographic pattern that Massey and Denton ( 1989 ) labeled "hypersegregation.”

The NLP fits more traditional findings, a form of cross-validation. Based on content analysis of an 84-adjective checklist, the language describing Black Americans did not change much, across samples from 1933 to 2007 (Bergsieker, Leslie, Constantine, & Fiske, 2012 , Study 4): The most recent data describe ambivalent view of sociality (aggressive, gregarious, passionate), and some specific stereotypes (loud, talkative, religious, loyal to family, sportsmanlike, musical, materialistic), but saying nothing about competence. Neglecting to mention an obvious dimension can reveal taboo topics, stereotyping by omission (Bergsieker et al., 2012 ).

Black people may distrust Whites, too, but they have less standing (status and power) to do damage.

An odd anomaly: Abundant research describes Black people’s generalized trust as lower then Whites’ generalized trust. Also, social science has studied Black Americans’ mistrust of government, business, healthcare, and education systems that have historically abused them (see next section). This would hardly seem puzzling enough to be the lion’s share of the trust literature and to eclipse White Americans’ pockets of mistrust. Specifically, no one seems to study Whites’ mistrust of Black people. Overlooking the obvious is one symptom of a systemic bias.

The combination of status-competence and warmth-trustworthiness creates remarkably stable perceptions of social structure (Durante et al., 2015). In social systems across the globe, middle classes are stereotypically competent and warm (trustworthy) whereas homeless people are neither. And in the mixed quadrants, rich people seem competent but cold, whereas old people seem well-intentioned but incompetent. These class and age patterns are nearly universal. In contrast, ethnic, racial, religious, and other cultural stereotypes are accidents of history, reflecting what subset of a group arrived under what circumstances. Compare stereotypes of Chinese railroad workers in the nineteenth century to stereotypes of Chinese entrepreneurs in the twenty-first century.

Implicit bias is difficult to monitor, as noted. Yet another way that prejudice goes undetected, is in its modern form, of being exhibited less as outgroup harm and instead as ingroup help (Greenwald & Pettigrew, 2014 ). Despite this ambiguity, the net effect is the same—just harder to detect, and even lauded, because helping is a prosocial act that garners praise.

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  • Published: 21 October 2022

Talking with racists: insights from discourse and communication studies on the containment of far-right movements

  • Benno Herzog 1 &
  • Arturo Lance Porfillio   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0003-3685-2881 1 , 2  

Humanities and Social Sciences Communications volume  9 , Article number:  384 ( 2022 ) Cite this article

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The rise of the far right is threatening the antifascist consensus that helped rebuild Europe and the world following World War II. Discourse studies have done much to further the understanding of the success as well as the fallacies of the discourses of far-right movements and have provided the means by which to comprehend right-wing communicative strategies. However, it has also been said that the reactions of the democratic majority and the mainstream media have contributed—mainly involuntarily—to the success of right-wing politics. The role of the reactions of society, the democratic majority and the mainstream media in trying to counter right-wing discourses is widely underexplored. The aim of this contribution is to understand the diverse material and symbolic effects of certain practices of political contestation. It aims to help elaborate counterstrategies against the threat of the far right and to present communicative strategies against hate. With the help of such diverse authors as Foucault, Goffman or Habermas, we will show how democratic positions seem to be in an ideological dilemma in which the speech acts that try to counter far-right discourses very often produce the opposite effect. The article can help to overcome the pitfalls and performative contradictions of some discursive practices especially in public communications.

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Introduction.

The rise of the far right is threatening the antifascist consensus that helped rebuild Europe and the world following World War II. However, the electoral threat presented by far-right parties is only one manifestation of a deeper social phenomenon. The Western world has never been free of either open or latent racism even in times when there was little parliamentary representation of openly racist parties. The visibility of far-right parties and their threat to established politics are bringing the topic of racism to the public agenda. At the same time, a rising, highly educated and politically conscious group of members of racialized minorities is raising its voice in the public sphere.

Two of these voices in the public debate are those of Özlem Cekic and Reni Eddo-Lodge. Both women are European citizens who belong to minorities and try to counter racism. Both used social media to spur public debate and wrote a book to explain their approach. Despite their similarities, these individuals are situated at two different points in the debate on how to best overcome racism.

Özlem Cikec was the first Muslim MP in the Danish Parliament. Born in Ankara with Kurdish roots, Cikec came of age and became politically active in Denmark. After entering Parliament in 2007, she became accustomed to receiving racist hate mail. Her decision to visit the senders of these mails at their homes and have coffee together to talk about politics brought her international visibility. Her TED talk and hashtag #dialoguecoffee garnered broader attention. Her experiences are detailed in the book “Overcoming Hate through Dialogue. Confronting Prejudice, Racism, and Bigotry with Conversation—and Coffee” (Cekic, 2020 ).

In 2017, which was the same year as the first publication of this book, the Black British journalist Reni Eddo-Lodge published “Why I’m no longer talking to White People about Race” (expanded version: 2018). Of course, the author is fully aware of the paradox in the title. In the Facebook post that gave rise to the book, Eddo-Lodge knew that she was speaking, perhaps even mostly, to White people. Her refusal of dialogue stems from her awareness of the underlying power structures—here referring mainly to those of structural racism—that exist in dialogical situations.

Whether to talk with or to racists is the question that this research essay attempts to answer. Starting from the assumption that the role of social reactions, the democratic majority and the mainstream media in trying to counter right-wing discourses is widely underexplored, the aim of this article is to understand the diverse material and symbolic effects of certain practices of political contestation. It aims to help elaborate counterstrategies against the threat of the far right and to present communicative strategies against hate.

Discourse studies, with their attention not only to language but also to power relations, normative frameworks, and the combination of symbolic and material reality, seem especially promising in understanding what exactly happens when talking with racists. With the help of ideas from diverse authors such as Michel Foucault, Erving Goffman, and Jürgen Habermas, we will show how democratic positions seem to be in an ideological dilemma in which speech acts that try to counter far-right discourses very often produce the opposite effect. We will use the books by Reni Eddo-Lodge and Özlem Cekic as guiding threads to exemplify these arguments and to connect them from a theoretical level to the practice of antiracist activists.

At the same time, relating theoretical reflections to specific practices of racialized speakers will prevent us from prematurely drawing generalisations about communicative strategies. As the speakers themselves are also part of the complex context of discourse, the particular situation of discourse participants must be taken into account. Being female, racialized, and well educated, as in the case of Cekic and Eddo-Lodge, has important impacts on the possibility of pronouncing effective antiracist discourses.

The reflections presented here should help overcome the pitfalls and performative contradictions of some discursive practices, especially in public communications.

Discourse studies

Discourse studies have done much to further the understanding of the successes and fallacies of the discourses of far-right movements and have provided the means by which to contest right-wing communicative strategies. Classical studies, especially from Critical Discourse Analysis such as van Dijk ( 1993 , 2009 ) or from the Discourse Historical Approach (Reisigl & Wodak, 2001 , 2016 ; Wodak & Richardson, 2013 ), help us understand the inner logic of racist discourses and the manifestation of this inner logic in everyday racism. These studies have shown the existence of a racist discursive structure that only seldom appears as open racism and often appears as “racism without race” (Balibar & Wallerstein, 1991 ), using codes and metaphors that camouflage the racist message.

As a kind of second-order hermeneutics (Diaz-Bone, 2005 ), discourse analysis does not identify the fully conscious speaker but a social and discursive structure as the origin of racist speech acts. For example, it has been shown that the elementary impersonal semantic structure of racist discourse can be summarised in brief in four basic principles (see Herzog, 2009 ). First, there is a clear differentiation between “them” and “us”, independent of whether the groups are described in cultural, ethnic, religious, or racial terms. Second, “they” are described as inherently problematic. This means “they” can be labelled uncivilised, dirty, or criminal as well as needy and dependent on social aid due to an essential feature of their being (and not due to a hierarchically racialized and unequal society). The third basic principle of racist semantics is that there already exists an excessive quantity of “them”. In racist discourse, there is always too much of “them” in “our” space, or at least the threat thereof. The fourth principle refers to the understanding of society as a limited space, i.e., “container thinking” (Charteris-Black, 2006 ).

Discourse analysis has shown how even in the centre of society, these principles are communicated constantly without being seen as problematic and without being perceived as elements of a racist discourse (Herzog, 2009 ). Furthermore, much research has been performed in discourse analysis on the use of specific metaphors regarding migrants and ethnic minorities. For example, metaphors from the realm of natural disasters are not only exaggerating but also naturalising social conflicts (Charteris-Black, 2006 ).

However, one of the main contributions of discourse studies is the relation of the textual (or symbolic) level of analysis to other elements of social analysis, such as materialities or power structures (Beetz & Schwab, 2017 ). Although there are very different understandings and disciplines involved in the development of the postdisciplinary field of discourse studies, one of its core elements is to understand discourses as speech acts . This means that we “do things with words” (Austin, 1962 ). Beyond the words, there are realities created, things done, and power positions conquered, defended, or questioned. Discourse analysis is always more than a mere text analysis.

The triangle of discourse analysis can be described as the combined analysis of texts, contexts, and practices (see also Angermuller et al., 2014 ). Here, texts refer to written or oral texts but can also be the textual translation of symbols and images. It has even been argued that all meaningful structured elements can be read as text (Herzog, 2016 ; Ruiz Ruiz, 2009 ). Context is a very broad concept and can mean broader sociopolitical and historical backgrounds, as well as concrete speech situations, i.e., the context of interaction, including the speakers with their social positions. In addition, context also often refers to the discursive context in which speech acts are embedded, i.e., to previous and parallel discourses. Regarding practices, these can be caused, induced or shaped by discourses. For example, hate speech can be an incitement to racist practices of discrimination. Furthermore, practice also refers to typical practices of discourse production; writing academic texts, presenting news, or informal chats with the neighbour are all practices of the (re)production of discourses.

Racism is a complex phenomenon with ongoing discussions about its features and main characteristics. Debates exist, e.g., about the ontological status of race, about whether racism is mainly a cognition, an affect or an attitude, or what role individuals and institutions play in the reproduction of racism (e.g., Lepold & Martinez, 2021 ). In discourse studies, racism has been described as a specific form of discursive exclusion (Herzog, 2009 ). Following the triangle of text, context and practice, migrants and racial minorities are constructed in text and speech in a specific, negative way different from other members of society. Migrants are often excluded from the practice of hegemonic discourse production. They do not have the same access to the arenas of the public sphere, such as parliaments or mass media. Finally, hegemonic discourses often produce specific social contexts that materially exclude minorities from mainstream society, e.g., through hierarchical citizens’ rights.

In discourse research, these three elements and their relations can be interpreted in very different manners. At the same time, the analysis of the elements, i.e., texts, contexts, and practices, only describes the objects with which we are working. The analysis, however, is usually not an aim in itself. Discourse analysis often aims at another triangle (Angermuller et al., 2014 ), such as the triangle of knowledge, power, and subjectivation. Discourse analysts are very interested in how knowledge is constituted, validated, or challenged in society. The analysis of power relations can help to understand the circulation of this knowledge. Furthermore, accepted knowledge also helps to ground and stabilise power relations. Therefore, discourse analysis is interested in how power relations are constituted, maintained, or challenged through discourses. Finally, discourse analysts are often interested in the production of diverse subject positions in society, their identity, and their self-awareness. This analysis often goes together with the analysis of “knowledge” about others, i.e., about an alterity from which one’s own identity makes sense.

Regarding racism, we can understand racism as specific knowledge about “the other” that includes categorisations of humans, a specific description of group characteristics and a (hierarchical) evaluation of these characteristics (Holz, 2001 ). This knowledge contributes to the creation of specific social places or identities for groups, i.e., specific subject positions offered for those identified as belonging to a particular set of human beings. However, knowledge production requires a certain power to exist as well as to exert itself. Modern racism is very much related to the state with its power through educational institutions, citizenship laws, borders and policing practices (see also Schwab, 2017 ).

To comply with these research goals, discourse analysis draws from three different sources (see Angermuller et al., 2014 ). Hermeneutically influenced discourse analysis aims at meaning. This meaning is seldom understood as stemming from an original author but more in the sense of a “second-order hermeneutics” (Diaz-Bone, 2005 ) that situates meaning in the supraindividual space of the social. With regard to the possibility of countering racism, this means that racist discourses do not necessarily express an individual’s conscious and intended meaning but reproduce a socially established way of talking. Through discourse analysis, these kinds of unconsciously transported meanings can be made conscious.

Pragmatics, as the second influential theoretical tradition of discourse studies, is interested especially in what is done, i.e., (re)produced, created, and how this action takes place. Pragmatics understands communication as not only depending on words but also on the (symbolic and material) context of interactions. In any speech act, participants draw on preexisting knowledge. For countering racism, this means that this context and preexisting knowledge must be taken into account even if addressing a specific (racist) situation.

The third theoretical tradition that has informed discourse studies is that of (post)structuralism. The creation of order, patterns, regularities, and structures as well as moments of rupture and subversion are at the core of research questions influenced by (post)structuralist discourse analysis. From this perspective, racism is always linked to a stable and regular interwoven symbolic and material order. At the same time, this perspective often shows how this order is precarious and can be challenged and subverted, as internal racist logics are never able to fully grasp reality.

Meaning, the production of meaning, its relation to the social order, and practical effects in reality are not separated but constitutive interwoven and dependent elements. Regarding disciplinary boundaries and theoretical traditions, discourse studies cannot be thought of only from one perspective but must always be thought about in relation to other traditions and disciplines.

One of the main challenges for the analysis of racist discourses and antiracist contestations is that not all the elements of the analysis follow the same line of logic. Racist “knowledge” does not necessarily lead to racist action. The practical translation from one element of analysis to the other depends on a plurality of conditions. In the same sense, it has also been said that the reactions of the democratic majority and the mainstream media have contributed—mainly involuntarily—to the success of right-wing politics. The media maker, through the inner logics of discourses and of the “discursive infrastructure”, such as the economy of media attention, can produce outcomes that contradict the intention of the individual participant. Therefore, even antiracist speech acts can often have opposite material effects. From “performative contradictions” (Butler, 1997 ) to “ideological speech acts” (Herzog, 2021 ), what is said can sometimes be in contradiction to what is done through the speech act. As racism is such a complex phenomenon, antiracist contestation has to take into account the aforementioned different levels and elements of racism and cannot be limited to an easy, well-meant definition.

Power, subject positions and materialities

Armed with these intellectual tools, we can now re-examine our question of “overcoming hate through dialogue” (Cekic, 2020 ) or “no longer talking to White people about race” (Eddo-Lodge, 2018 ).

From the preceding summary, we can understand that it is not an abstract but a theoretical question whether directly affronting racist speech is an action. Speech acts do not exist “as such”. Text and talk are always embedded in contexts, structures, and power relations; speech acts are performed by and to concrete agents, draw on preknowledge and other symbolic and material resources and have important effects. The question of whether to enter a communicative interaction must include the questions of who, when, and how to enter which specific communicative situation.

In her book, Cekic compared the hatred towards Muslims in Denmark with her former (and other Muslims’) hatred towards non-Muslim Danes. In both cases, hateful stereotypes, prejudices, and generalisations create a situation of social distance preventing identification with the other. Although this is correct from a formal point of view, it totally omits the social context and the power relations at stake. Racist stereotypes, and not anti-Danish stereotypes, affect the lives of ethnic minorities in Denmark from their job prospects and health conditions to even their life expectancies. Anti-Danish prejudice lacks this power. Racism is not just prejudice or hate. People have prejudices towards all kinds of groups. They can also have prejudices against white, middleclass men. One could hate supporters of the Chelsea football club or Real Madrid for many reasons.

The formal analysis of hate omits the social dimension, which is at the core of discourse studies. Racism is not only hate. Racism is hate plus power. The term “hate speech” is therefore misleading in regard to racism. Racism includes hate discourse , i.e., speech acts that have the power to create reality, subject positions with corresponding social hierarchies, material effects, etc.

Of course, racism is more than individual hate. I can hate my neighbour or my ex-boyfriend independent of whether these persons belong to a minority group. In contrast, racist speech acts draw from a socially available stock of (racist) knowledge. Specifically, they draw from powerful possibilities to speak from a social system that legitimises these kinds of discourses.

Therefore, neither the racist discourse nor the racialized power structure originates in the participants of linguistic interactions. Of course, structures need to be reproduced by social agents to function as structures (see e.g., Bourdieu, 1991 ). This means that a change in these practices (including speech acts) can change the racializing structure of society and discourses. However, it is not up to the individual actor in the specific situation to change this structure. Although several individual contestations and alternative discourses can change the awareness of the hegemony of particular discourses, every single speech act, in every specific situation, is still embedded in a structurally racist society.

When contesting racist discourses, one must be aware that all speakers are embedded in this structural situation of inequality. Often for participants negatively affected by racism, the discourse is not about abstract problems but about them. Eddo-Lodge states it directly, “If you are an immigrant—even if you’re second or third generation—this is personal. You are multiculturalism. People who are scared of multiculturalism are scared of you ” (Eddo-Lodge, 2018 : p. 19). White communication partners have the privilege of not depending on the outcome of the conversation. They can afford to be uninterested. Even Cekic, who insists on the need to talk to racists, writes about several encounters generating important psychological stress. In a structurally racist society, the racialized individual is in a weaker position.

At the same time, the lack of minorities in discourses about minorities is in itself problematic. It has been widely researched how the discourse about minorities is mostly this: a discourse about minorities and not a discourse created by or with minorities (see e.g., Herzog, 2009 ). This underrepresentation of minorities in discourses that negotiate their public identity creates biased discourses, i.e., a structurally subordinated identity for minorities. At the same time, these unequal practices of discourse production are constantly reproducing the unequal power structure in which specific social groups have privileged access to shaping public opinion.

These structural inequalities, the power effects of discourses, and the different possibilities for access to public visibility and attention cannot be ignored when analysing the possibilities of countering racism. Although it is nobody’s fault or merit in being born with a specific skin colour or sex, one can critically relate to the social consequences stemming from this situation. This could mean that instead of contesting hate directly, White participants could also choose to step aside and let others co-construct the discourse. This practice not only creates alternative speech but also creates alternative power relations where minorities are not the object but the subject of the production of discourses and social structures.

Of course, structural inequality does not simply vanish with the presence of minority speakers. It is still there and can be felt as a powerful oppressive structure for those speakers. However, again, structural inequalities can be made aware by speakers contesting right-wing discourses. With Habermas ( 1984 ), we can understand that there exists the possibility of a meta-discourse. The discursive situation itself can be put at the centre of the debate. In other words, instead of engaging in a debate about whatever topic, one can aim at centring the debate about the distribution of the power to speak, to be heard, and the unequal material and emotional consequences of discourse.

In her attempt to counter racist discourses, Cekic does not follow this strategy. Perhaps she is following David Graeber’s advice, who recommended “the defiant insistence on acting as if one is already free” (here: Graeber, 2015 ; see also Graeber, 2013 ). From this viewpoint, deliberately ignoring racist structures can also be a strategy to counter racist structures. However, here, we could fall into the trap of colour-blind racism, i.e., the ideology that the best way to end discrimination is not taking into account the ethnic or racial background of our interaction partners. This may seem to be a reasonable approach to achieving equality. However, in our societies, ethnic and racial backgrounds matter. Pretending to be blind does not make these structural inequalities producing discrimination go away.

Pat Parker impressively captured the dialectic of colour-blindness in the first two lines of one of her poems:

For the white person who wants to know how to be my friend
The first thing you do is to forget that I’m Black.
Second, you must never forget that I’m Black.

However, David Graeber does not say that inequalities do not exist and that we have to ignore them. His mention of the “defiant insistence” makes clear that one can be fully aware of the discriminatory structure, but one does not have to submit to these structures. Instead of trying to counter oppressive structures using meta-discourse about their presence in the specific communicative situation, this approach would mean a practical resistance by not submitting to discriminatory structures, deliberately ignoring them and, thus, not taking part in their reproduction.

With Habermas ( 1984 ), we can say that in communicative processes, there is a certain normative basis of the communicative process itself that is presupposed and renegotiated. He mentions the four universal validity claims: (1) comprehensibility, (2) truth, (3) rightness, and (4) truthfulness. In every moment, we can theoretically call into question the comprehensibility of a statement, contest its factual truth, criticise the normative rightness of the relations expressed through the communicative situation, or call into question the subjective truthfulness of the participants. For example, when questioning the truth about a racist statement or criticising the normative rightness of racist language, one is interrupting the normal way of holding a conversation by engaging in a kind of meta-discourse, or a second-order discourse. However, at the same time, by entering this meta-discourse, one implicitly accepts certain norms of a third order.

By debating claims, one is implicitly accepting that these statements are worth debating and that they can rightfully be debated in this specific situation. Now imagine a speech act negating the existence of the Holocaust. Holocaust negation in some countries is even considered illegal. By providing arguments against Holocaust denial, these affirmations that question the very existence of this genocide are elevated to the selected group of speech acts that can be legitimately made in a debate. In other words, even by contesting a speech act, one legitimates its possibility.

In his inaugural lecture “The order of discourse”, Foucault ( 1981 ) described other ways of responding to this kind of communication offer. Instead of contesting them, respondents could exclude them, treat them as “noise”, insane, or as standing outside of the rules of truth production. These forms of treatment are also contestations, but they could be described as practical contestations that do not give legitimacy to the communicative offer in the statement of the other.

It is important to acknowledge that the debate of contesting by communication or by exclusion is not merely theoretical, as one must consider the specific situation in which the speech occurred. It is not the same for a ten-year-old to be confronted with the negationist slogans on the internet as for an academic to counter the negationists who try to discuss this thesis in an academic setting. There are different social spaces where different types of discourses can be made.

At the same time, one must be aware of the available social power to exclude. Extreme positions cannot always be easily excluded, effectively marked as insane, or as standing outside of the rules of truth production. In society where far-right parties have entered important positions in politics and the media, these positions often have effectively entered many social spaces from which it is now difficult to exclude them.

Nevertheless, the de facto inclusion of certain positions into social spaces does not mean that one must confirm this inclusion. Again, the positions of Cekic and Eddo-Lodge can be considered contrary in this regard. By sitting down and talking with racists, Cekic is acknowledging the legitimate interest of these people with regard to, for example, a safe environment, economic wellbeing, and worries about threats to their identities. However, it must be said that even for Cekic, there are red lines that justify not talking to racists. Criminal comments and threats made against her were not acknowledged as legitimate speech acts but handed to the police.

Eddo-Lodge, on the contrary, does not want to talk to people who deny the existence of structural racism Footnote 1 . There are people from the White majority who deny being in a structural advantage or who think that White people in Western society are constantly being threatened by ethnic minorities, thus creating the idea of reverse racism. By agreeing to talk to these people, Eddo-Lodge would have accepted an unequal speech situation in which she would be forced into a situation where she had to justify not only her arguments but her very existence in this society.

Here, the issue about whether to talk to racists must face one important question that has yet to be answered—why should we talk to racists? What do we expect from this situation? Do we want to change some of the basic assumptions of the other? Do we want to change the ideas of bystanders or the public? Do we expect to learn something from racists, i.e., do we accept the idea that racists can make us change our minds? Or do we want to understand racism from a scientific point of view? We use the notion of understanding here in the Weberian sense of Understanding Sociology, i.e., a way of trying to comprehend the inner reasons of the acts and thoughts of the other. At first glance, understanding is not simply agreeing but aims at getting to know the subjective, interior sense of the other. This analytical approach to understanding can then later be used for all kinds of reasons, e.g., to develop counternarratives to racism. In summary, the question could be understood as whether we are talking to or with racists, whether we want racists to talk to us , or, as in the case of bystanders, we truly are talking to a broader public .

The question about who the addressee is of the conversation has rarely been touched by discourse studies. Discourse as an impersonal structure seems to spread all over society. However, it has different effects on those who speak, are spoken to, or listen as bystanders. Bystanders, or the “Third” as Simmel ( 2009 ; see also Fischer, 2013 ), names it can have important effects on the legitimation of communication. The sheer presence of the Third, can change the communication situation and the social implications. For example, by not intervening, the Third is confirming the rightfulness of the communication situation.

One of the approaches to the different effects on different individuals is the adoption of subject positions (Angermuller, 2014 ). Speaking can create different identities and alterities through narratives, appellations, labelling, and so on. Depending on the counternarrative, the result can be the creation of two identities: (1) the good, nonracist identity and (2) the bad, racist identity. The counternarrative could now (a) reinforce one’s own identity, i.e., the certainty of moral superiority; (b) try to persuade bystanders to come (or stay) on the side of this positive identity; (c) try to convince the other of this moral inferiority of racism, inviting the other to change sides; or (d) label the other as racist, thus producing an exclusion of the other and its discourse.

However, counternarratives are not compelled to create opposing identities. It can be thought of as narratives that do not divide the world into black and white or good and bad. In this counternarrative, racism would then be seen as something that is reproduced by (almost) all of us to different degrees (see Herzog, 2019 ). Here, it seems that we are not facing two different subject positions that are categorically different. Rather, we are facing the very same subject position of the racism-reproducing subject. The differences between the subjects would then be only gradual. Nonetheless, here too we could think of two categorial different identities: (1) those who face their racism, thus trying to behave in a more ethical way, and (2) those who deny or even justify being part of the reproduction of racism. Again, the discourse can have the four different effects described above: (a) reinforcing one’s own position, (b) persuading bystanders to confront their own racism, (c) trying to convince the other of their implicit racism as a first step to overcome this racism, or (d) excluding the other who is not facing his or her racism and the related discourse.

In her book, Eddo-Lodge used the first three strategies. By presenting her own position, she is confronting the reader with her own embeddedness in racist structures while convincing the other that such racist structures exist. Cekic, on the other hand, is also trying to blur the clear line between the good, antiracist identity and the bad, racist identity. However, as she is doing so by seeing racism as just another form of hate and prejudice or a different form of framing one’s legitimate worries about the future, she cannot develop a structural notion of racism as a power structure. In a structurally racist society, individuals have, from the very start, different positions that Cekic is unable (or unwilling) to detect for the sake of creating an unbiased communication atmosphere. However, by doing so, she accepts the structural racist bias of society.

Another important issue is the framing of the conversation (see Goffman, 1974 ). Frames are culturally, socially, and contextually determined definitions of reality. These frames allow the participants of an interaction to make sense out of objects and events. As in the case of a painting, frames pose certain limits. At the same time, they allow for certain freedom regarding the content. Therefore, frames do not determine the exact content of what is painted (or said), but they are a very effective way to limit what theoretically could be painted (or said) to a very small unit that is almost impossible to cross, at least if one is to leave the frame intact. Therefore, for example, it has been criticised that, in Germany, there was an unusually high proliferation of television debates on various aspects of migration and cultural diversity and that almost all of these debates framed migration as a problem. Once one accepts migration and migrants as a problem, even the most benevolent speech acts, the most progressive interventions, and the best of intentions turn into a blunt knife. Independent of the will of the participants, what is communicated is the validity of the frame, i.e., the validity of the perception of migrants and migration as a problem. Lakoff ( 2004 ) showed that identities or metaphors could also work in an analogous way. Once one accepts an identity or metaphor as valid, one is bound to its limits, such as a painting being limited by the frame.

Regarding our issue of talking to racists, these reflections bring us to the question of what should we say to racists? By accepting the topic of communication, we already impose an enormous limitation on our conversation. By taking part in a radio debate on the problem of migration, one is already accepting that migration is indeed a problem. Everything that can be said within this frame implicitly reproduces the very idea that migration is a problem.

The constraints of this situation were clearly lived by Özlem Cekic. Racists do not want to talk about racism. They want to talk about migration, Islam, or threats to “our” way of life. By accepting this frame, Cekic is put into a defensive position. In doing so, she then has to show her loyalty to Danish society or share certain concerns about radical Islam. Moreover, as said above, this kind of debate is not abstract; it is about the very existence of Özlem Cekic as a Muslim in Danish society. She not only has to defend some ideas but also has to defend herself . This is the material power of frames. In some of her descriptions of the communication situation, one can concretely feel the power and satisfaction of the White interlocutor in this situation. Switching from a debate about migration towards a debate on racism is almost impossible.

Conclusions

Talking to or with racists is a complicated task. One of the possibilities to overcome communicative pitfalls would be not talking to racists. This position can give the appearance of a radical ideological purity distancing oneself as clearly as possible from racist positions. Nonetheless, whether this strategy is also the best one to combat racism is a different issue.

On the other hand, always praising the goodness of communication without analysing the conditions of the communicative situation can equally help create a positive self-image as a dialogical, tolerant, and open-minded person. However, as we have seen, the outcome of the dialogue does not depend on the arguments interchanged in this situation but on the power structures, communicative frames, and normative epistemes embedded in the dialogue.

When thinking about entering into communication with racist positions, there is no clear, easy, and once-and-for-all answer. One has to reflect about the addressees, the topic, the framing, the bystanders, the material and normative situation, the structural power involved, and many aspects more before being able to assess the benefits and costs of engaging in dialogue.

Discourse studies, with its expertise on power, knowledge and subject positions (the triangle of aims of discourse studies), with its exposure of text, practices and context (the triangle of discourse analysis), with its rich conceptual tools such as materialities, material and symbolic realities, norms, and frames, etc., and especially with its insights about the interplay of these elements, can help to disentangle how the outcome of a communicative situation depends on more than just the words chosen or on the intentions of (one of) the participants. If racism is more than an individual attitude but a form of social organisation, then the question also must be how engaging in dialogue can help to change the underlying racialized power structure. Structures are reproduced by human beings. However, it might be almost impossible to change racist structures without human beings being conscious of the structural character of racism and the racist character of social structures.

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Herzog, B., Lance Porfillio, A. Talking with racists: insights from discourse and communication studies on the containment of far-right movements. Humanit Soc Sci Commun 9 , 384 (2022). https://doi.org/10.1057/s41599-022-01406-y

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racism thesis statement ideas

Racial Profiling Essay: Outline, Examples, & Writing Tips

Racial profiling is not uncommon. It’s incredibly offensive and unfair behavior that causes most of the protests in support of people of color. It occurs when people are suspected of committing a crime based on their skin color or ethnicity.

Racial profiling is incredibly offensive and unfair behavior that causes most of the protests in support of people of color.

Unfortunately, most people are unaware that racial profiling is an everyday phenomenon that harms both the victims and society. Therefore, it’s crucial that we highlight this issue in as many ways as possible. One of the options is expressing your opinion through writing. A racial profiling essay can be inspiring and persuasive. All the power is in your hands, so let’s figure out how to use it! Keep reading this guide made by Custom-writing.org experts.

The article contains a writing guide, a collection of racial profiling essay topics, ideas, and examples, as well as the tips on making a racial profiling essay outline. We hope that it will inspire you to make an A+ argumentative racial profiling essay or even a persuasive speech on the topic!

🤔 What Is a Racial Profiling Essay about?

  • 📑 Making an Outline
  • 👌 Writing Tips

📝 Racial Profiling Essay Examples

🔗 references.

There is more than one objective for writing a racial profiling essay. First of all, it can be as simple as expressing your feelings about it. For example, you might consider pointing out how unfair and unjustified those actions are. Moreover, if you’re a law student, you should definitely back up those conclusions with the extractions from the Constitution.

You can then focus on describing the impact it has on society, which makes a fantastic cause and effect essay. There are so many more topic ideas, but if you’re feeling stuck, go ahead to the article’s next sections!

Argumentative Racial Profiling Essay

To write a successful argumentative racial profiling essay, you need to focus on investigating the topic to express your perspective later. Every statement you include in the main body of the writing should be supported by evidence. The essential part of such an essay is a clear thesis statement! And if you struggle to come up with a good one yourself, you can get help from a thesis statement generator online .

Persuasive Racial Profiling Essay

Unlike the type discussed above, a persuasive racial profiling essay should aim to convince your readers that your point of view is the only correct one. Instead of just presenting your point of view, you need to gather the most convincing facts that can influence your audience. It requires expertise in the topic of racial profiling.

Racial Profiling Essay Topics

Looking for a racial profiling essay topic ? Find a short and sweet topic collection below.

  • The impact of racial profiling on the US society. For this essay, you would need to study how citizens react to racial profiling. You might also include some statistics from the previous years.
  • Present your point of view on the issue of racial profiling. If you ever faced it yourself, your reflective essay would be even more powerful! Include as much evidence as you can. 
  • Racial profiling: are African Americans overreacting? Someone feels like people might be taking this issue too personally. Therefore, you should provide strong arguments to point out how discriminating those actions are.
  • Accepting racial profiling as a common practice. Express your opinion on this topic. Do you think police should be legally allowed to practice racial profiling? Why would it be a violation of rights?
  • Racial profiling from a psychological perspective. Try to analyze this occurrence as if you were a professional psychologist. What do you think makes law enforcement act this way?
  • Does racism impact the US immigration?
  • Discuss the definition and origins of racial profiling.  
  • Analyze the aim and values of the Black Life Matter movement.
  • Racial stereotypes in Disney films.
  • Examine the problem of workplace racism.  
  • How can racism in medicine be eliminated?  
  • What is the colorblind racism?  
  • Describe your personal experience of racism .
  • Compare the ways South Africa and the US are handling racism.  
  • The goals of the Black Lives Matter movement.
  • Explain why racism is a persistent problem in modern society.
  • Explore the concept of racial profiling in the “war on drugs.”
  • Childhood under the racist laws of apartheid in Trevor Noah’s Born a Crime .
  • Discuss the effect of racism on child development .
  • Is there a racial disparity gap in healthcare?
  • Describe the problems racism causes in American schools.  
  • How does racism affect modern society?
  • Racial stereotypes in music video .
  • The pros and cons of racial profiling in the airports.
  • Describe the specifics of colorblind racism .
  • Discuss the possible solutions of racial profiling problem.
  • Terrorist attacs in 9/11, hate crimes, and racial profiling. 
  • Is institutionalized racism a real problem or a myth?  
  • Racial and ethnical prejudices in breast cancer treatment.  
  • Examine the cases of racism against healthcare workers and their consequences.
  • Analyze the impact of racism on globalization .
  • Describe and characterize the main types of modern racism .
  • Racial profiling of minority groups in the US. 
  • Is racial discrimination issue completely eliminated from American society?
  • Evaluate the racial inequalities in the US judicial system.  
  • Describe how race relations are represented in Men We Reaped by Jesmyn Ward .
  • Analyze the difference between individual and institutional racism.  
  • Investigation of the history of racism in The Case for Reparations by Coates. 
  • Is racial profiling a discrimination or a necessary evil? 
  • Ways of dealing with racism in American education .
  • Examine the history of racial stereotypes in the US.
  • Explain why racial profiling is a violation of human rights.
  • Catastrophic consequences of discrimination and racial prejudice in the film A Soldier’s Story .
  • Racism as a global issue.  
  • Discuss the causes and effects of racism in America. 
  • What can be done to resolve the problem of racism at interactional level ?
  • Analyze the issue of racial profiling of drivers.
  • Describe the problem of racism and discrimination from the perspective of social psychology.
  • Discuss the methods of solving the problem of policing racism .
  • Examine the cases of racism in social work environment. 

📑 Racial Profiling Essay Outline

Whichever type of racial profiling essay you choose to work on, the basic writing strategy remains the same. After you pick up the suitable title and finish your research, it’s time to reorganize the main ideas. The best way to do it is to create a racial profiling essay outline that serves as a foundation for your future essay.

There are three elements that any essay must have:

  • Introduction

The main body should have at least three paragraphs in which you present your arguments supported by evidence.

Racial Profiling Essay Introduction

It is a good idea to start your essay with a hook – a statement that aims to grab your reader’s attention. In your racial profiling essay introduction, you could use some impressive statistics that illustrate the problem of racial discrimination or describe a real-life situation.

At this stage, it’s also essential that you think about composing a racial profiling thesis statement . It goes as the last sentence of the introduction and becomes the focal point of your whole writing. The thesis statement includes your opinion and a short description of your arguments.

Racial Profiling Essay Conclusion

In conclusion, you should summarize your arguments and paraphrase your racial profiling thesis statement. It is also a good idea to add some information about the most important findings. This way, your essay would be both informative and persuasive.

👌 Racial Profiling Essay: Writing Tips

Let us remind you of some basic rules you should stick to while writing:

  • Introduce your position on the problem and, at least, three major points in the thesis statement of your racial profiling essay.
  • Gather enough facts and pieces of evidence to support your points.
  • Do not forget to study the arguments of the opposing side.

Before you get down to writing your essay on racial profiling, try to answer the following questions:

  • When did racial profiling start?
  • Why does it happen?
  • What consequences does it lead to?

Try to find some statistical data to include in your essay on racial profiling. Be careful with sources and information. The point is that racial profiling is unconstitutional, which is why you will not find official data, something like police reports, etc. Thus, use only credible online and printed sources when writing your papers on racial profiling.

There is also a way to show your creativity in the essay on racial profiling. You may play the devil advocate’s role and support it in the paper on racial profiling. We are sure this unusual approach will impress your teacher!

Below you’ll find links to 3 racial profiling essay examples. We hope that they will inspire you to write an A+ paper on racism and discrimination.

The modern globalized society provides numerous opportunities for improved communication and increased mutual understanding. However, there are still such problems as discrimination on the basis of ethnicity, mentality, sex, or gender, biased attitudes to some minorities, and widespread stereotypical thinking.

Read the full text

The system of racism entails degrading and harmful actions and beliefs that are implemented and expressed by both groups of people. Racism over the years has been one of the reasons behind poverty and lack of access to social mobility in the United States.

Racial identity and racial socialization are proposed to promote the improvement of African American adolescents in the aspect of race-related difficulties. Current studies pointed out that discrimination is a condition that has harmful effects on the mental health of African Americans.

So, good luck with your papers on racial profiling! Do not hesitate to visit our blog if you have trouble with terrorism essays or any other written assignment.

  • Racial Profiling: Definition | American Civil Liberties Union
  • This is why everyday racial profiling is so dangerous – CNN
  • Racial profiling – AP News
  • Racial profiling: Germany debating police methods – DW
  • Psychology responds to racial profiling
  • Racial Profiling – Equal Justice Initiative
  • Racial Profiling: Past, Present, and Future?
  • Racial profiling | Independent
  • Racial Profiling – University of Michigan Law School
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Hello! Just wanted to say how I’m glad to find your blog! This post is a great help for my essay on racial profiling. Thanks!

Thanks for a kind of plan for writing an essay on racial profiling! Real help for those who can’t cope with the task!

Exploring Structural Racism as a Determinant of Violence Against Women

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racism thesis statement ideas

  • Affiliation: School of Social Work
  • Twenty-four people experience IP/SV each minute. Further, Black, Indigenous, and other People of Color who identify as female experience (BIPOC women) experience disproportionate rates of IP/SV and face poorer post-victimization consequences compared to white women. To address inequities in experiences of IP/SV, research must address structural racism. SR is the historical and contemporary policies, rules, and ideologies that limit access to resources and opportunities for BIPOC while privileging white people. This dissertation addressed three gaps in the literature: (1) SR-related housing policy is understudied in the context of IP/SV; (2) the relationship between SR and sexual violence (SV) has not been quantitatively investigated among diverse samples of women; and (3) a common measure of structural racism, the Index of Concentration at the Extremes, has not been tested among Latinas. Paper 1, a scoping review, examined the literature related to SR in housing and inequitable post-victimization outcomes among US women. Findings suggest that variation in operationalization of SR reflects the reality that the execution and experience of SR often occur at different socioecological levels. Paper 2 consisted of a survey-weighted logistic regression and moderation analysis using data from the National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS). The association between SR and SV was not statistically significant in this sample; however, when controlling for homeownership, the relationship between SR and SV became significant suggesting that housing is associated with both SR and SV. Finally, Paper 3 consisted of a latent class analysis using data from the NCVS. Two classes were identified: Class # 1- Internalized distress and mild to moderate psychosocial problems, and Class #2 - High post-victimization psychosocial problems and distress associated with rape. A multinomial logistic regression indicated that racialized group did not predict class assignment probability. Collectively, the findings from this dissertation provide a more comprehensive understanding of the role of SR in the lives of BIPOC women. Additional research on the role of SR in the experience of IP/SV is needed to illuminate opportunities to develop interventions that address the root of IP/SV and health inequities, such as social policy
  • Social work
  • residential segregation
  • intimate partner violence
  • Public health
  • social justice
  • health inequities
  • sexual violence
  • Women's studies
  • housing poilcy
  • https://doi.org/10.17615/c3hs-m302
  • Dissertation
  • In Copyright - Educational Use Permitted
  • Goings, Trenette C
  • Ansong, David
  • Cuddeback, Gary
  • Masa, Rainier
  • Merino, Yesenia
  • Doctor of Philosophy
  • University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill Graduate School

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Commencement 2023 Header

Princeton SPIA Announces Exciting Lineup for 2024 Reunions and Commencement Celebrations

The Princeton School of Public and International Affairs will supplement the University’s 2024 Reunions - and Commencement -related events with a slate of SPIA-specific gatherings and special events of its own over the next week.

“We are thrilled to enhance the University’s 2024 Reunions and Commencement festivities with a series of exclusive gatherings and special events throughout the week. It is a privilege to honor our alumni and graduating students with memorable moments and unique experiences that reflect the spirit and excellence of SPIA.” Princeton SPIA Dean Amaney Jamal

This year’s Princeton Reunions take place from May 23 to 26. As always, the SPIA alumni community will be well represented, partnering with the Association of Princeton Graduate Alumni (APGA) as the largest participating graduate department.

New for Reunions this year is the Orange and Black Oasis – alcohol-free gatherings featuring jazz, craft zero-proof drinks, mocktails, and cookies. They will be held in the Murray-Dodge Café on Friday, May 24, from 8 p.m. to midnight and on Saturday, May 25, from 4 to 6 p.m. and from 8 p.m. to midnight . Princeton SPIA is co-sponsoring along with the Office of Religious Life, Students Recover, and the Princeton Alumni Association.

SPIA-specific events include:

  • The Program in Law and Public Policy reception, Friday, May 24, 1:30 – 3:30 p.m., Bernstein Gallery, Robertson Hall. P*LAW invites alumni and guests — lawyers and law-curious alike — for champagne and dessert. As part of SPIA, the program follows in the tradition of Princeton’s great law and public affairs programs engaging leading legal scholars and practitioners in the work of solving the complex policy problems of the 21st century.
  • Keeping the Lights On: Global Energy and Macroeconomic Policy, Friday, May 24, 2 – 3 p.m., Bowl A71, Louis A. Simpson International Building. An alumni panel will discuss the current state of global commodity markets, the energy transition, and energy policy going forward in the face of macroeconomic challenges. Speakers include Helima Croft *01, managing director and head of global commodity strategy and Middle East and North Africa research at RBC Capital Markets, member of the National Petroleum Council, life member of the Council on Foreign Relations, and a CNBC contributor; Amy Myers Jaffe ’80, professor and director of the Energy, Climate, and Sustainable Justice Lab at New York University, co-chair of the Women in Energy Initiative at Columbia University, and former senior advisor on sustainability to the chief investment officer of the University of California Regents; and Edward Morse *69, special advisor at Hartree Partners and former global head of commodities research at Citi and deputy assistant secretary of state for energy policy. Abhiram Karuppur ’19 of Harvard Business School will moderate.
  • Geopolitics to the Fore? Prospects for Globalization in an Uncertain World, Friday, May 24, 3 – 4:30 p.m., Bowl 16, Robertson Hall . An alumni-faculty forum will explore the politics of today’s global economy. Speakers include Nawaf S. Al-Sabah ’94, CEO of Kuwait Petroleum Corporation; Layna Mosley, a professor of politics and international affairs; Meicen Sun ’12, an assistant professor in the School of Information Sciences at the University of Illinois; James Vreeland, a professor of politics and international affairs; and Carl Westphal *13, deputy director of international monetary policy at the U.S. Department of the Treasury.
  • SPIA All-Alumni Reception, Friday, May 24, 3:30 – 5 p.m., Schultz Cafe, Robertson Hall. Dean Amaney Jamal will offer brief remarks.
  • Why Ukraine Matters: A Conversation with Ambassador Marie Yovanovitch ’80 and General Mark Milley ’80, Friday, May 23, 3:45 – 5 p.m., Room 10, McCosh Hall . This conversation on the global implications of Russia’s war in Ukraine will be moderated by Lauren Bleakney ’13, foreign service officer, with an introduction by Dora Chomiak ’91, CEO of Razom for Ukraine, and closing remarks by Lydia Zaininger ’83, executive director of the Ukrainian Institute of America.
  • World in Flux: The Dynamics of Global Power, Saturday, May 25, 10:30 – 11:45 a.m., Room 50, McCosh Hall . This alumni-faculty forum features panelists Nawaf Saud Al-Sabah ’94, CEO of Kuwait Petroleum Corporation; Zeynep Zehra Dereli ’99, executive board member and CEO of the Industry Group at Calinos Holding; Jennifer Pan ’04, Sir Robert Ho Tung Professor of Chinese Studies, professor of communication, senior fellow at the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies and professor, by courtesy, of political science and of sociology at Stanford University; and Peter Schram ’09, assistant professor of political science at Vanderbilt University. Nadia C. Crisan, the executive director of SPIA’s Liechtenstein Institute on Self-Determination, will moderate.
  • SPIA 20th, 25th, and 50th Reunion Brunch, Sunday, May 26, 10 a.m. - 1 p.m., Schultz Cafe, Robertson Hall.

Princeton’s Commencement will be held on Tuesday, May 28, at 10 a.m. at Princeton Stadium, with the student procession beginning at approximately 9:40 a.m.  SPIA-specific Commencement-related events are as follows:

  • SINSI Graduation Brunch, Sunday, May 26, 10 a.m., The Atrium at Carl Icahn Laboratory
  • SPIA Hooding and Awards Ceremony, Monday, May 27, 9 a.m., McCarter Theatre (open to MPP/MPA grad and guests, SPIA staff and faculty).
  • SPIA Class Day ceremony, Monday, May 27, 2 p.m., Richardson Auditorium (open to all); reception to follow on Alexander Beach.

Those posting about Commencement to social media are asked to use the hashtag #SPIAProud2024. The School's handle on Instagram, Twitter, and Facebook is @PrincetonSPIA.

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    Step 2: Refine your idea. One of the proven best methods of doing this is using the following model: On a piece of paper, write this: "I think that ____________. Using your initial brainstorming idea, fill in the blank. In our case, it will be this: "I think that racism remains a problem on our college campus.".

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    3678 (20 min read) Here's a list of 150 essay ideas on racism to help you ace a perfect paper. The subjects are divided based on what you require! Before we continue with the list of essay topics on racism, let's remember the definition of racism. In brief, it's a complex prejudice and a form of discrimination based on race.

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    Racism is the conviction that we can credit capacities and qualities to individuals based on their race, color, ethnicity, or national origin. It can take the form of prejudice, hatred, and discrimination, and it can happen in any place and at any time. Racism goes beyond the act of harassment and abuse.

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    The following are some ideas for essays on racism and ethnicity in America. Interethnic conflict in the United States and other countries. Systematic racism exists in America. Racism is prevalent in American cities. The rise of nationalism and xenophobia in America. Postcolonial psychology essay topics for Native Americans.

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    Racism: Origin and theory. Journal of Black Studies, 48(6), 572-590. In 2017, Bowser introduced a review of racial discrimination as a concept with its specific theoretical development. Being coined at the beginning of the 20 th century, racism was significantly revised in the 1930s (antisemitism) and the 1960s (civil rights activists).

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    Your final thesis statement, which you can use in the introduction to an essay, might read: Racism is the main theme explored in To Kill a Mockingbird; most of the people in town are racists, Tom ...

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    With the help of ideas from diverse authors such as Michel Foucault, Erving Goffman, and Jürgen Habermas, we will show how democratic positions seem to be in an ideological dilemma in which ...

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    Racism Can Be Stated as the Attitude. PAGES 4 WORDS 1273. acism can be stated as the attitude or practice of recognizing authority/supremacy of one group over another. It is either founded on race, color, ethnicity or cultural heritage. It is, if truth be told, a global tradition and is not only limited to a particular area or group of people.

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    Resistance to racism. Racialized people respond in a variety of ways to racism, including active opposition and more passive or hidden reactions (Carter Andrews Citation 2012).A US study reports a broad spectre of emotional responses, most common were feeling disrespected and anger, followed by a feeling of being insulted, disappointment, frustration, outrage, hurt and shock (Carter and ...

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    Statement of Purpose Previous studies have attempted to address this problem. Much of the fundamental literature of this study used Critical Race Theory (CRT) to tackle systemic racism in education. CRT stems from People of Color and their allies being tired with how slow social change was occurring (Ladson-Billings, 2019).

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    Cite. There are many different thesis statements which one could use to examine racism in Ralph Ellison 's short story "Battle Royal." 1. Racism plays a very important role in the movement of the ...

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  25. Princeton SPIA Announces Exciting Lineup for 2024 Reunions and

    The Princeton School of Public and International Affairs will supplement the University's 2024 Reunions- and Commencement-related events with a slate of SPIA-specific gatherings and special events of its own over the next week.